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This suggests that even when descendants have not reached the upper mid- dle classes, they have made sense of market mobility in terms of the Syrian— Lebanese memory of commerce. The children of upwardly mobile families were not alone in their percep- tion of the greater material insecurity of university educations and liberal professions.

Interviewed in , a Lebanese parent expressed disenchant- ment with the value of a college diploma: My dream, like the dream of every Lebanese … is a dream I have that is today out of the question. Cited in Greiber et al.

I arrived in this country in And today I have that store, that store, and that store. My son, he was born with a golden spoon in his mouth. I put him in the best schools, and in the best colleges, and when he got married, I had to buy the apartment for him to live in. When he needed a car, I went to buy a car. Such a dire perspective, however, contrasts with recent generational advances in three families mentioned in the beginning of this chapter.

At the time, I was interested in looking at the membership roster, and my original intention in speaking with Pedro was to inquire into the possibility of gaining access to it. Well, Jatene was full professor. If you were to get the entire faculty, I think that a third of the faculty—and we are not a third of the population—a third are descendants of Arabs, full professors.

In fact, Middle Eastern descendants do represent roughly one-third of the total number of faculty members in the College of Medicine. More important, though, Dr. Younes had expressed a sharp awareness of it. If you take the sector of popu- lar music. If you take Fagner. Fagner says that he learned a lot about singing with Arab songs. If you take the spaces of theater, the best direc- tors in Brazil are Arabs. Of course, this sort of ethnic promotion is characteristic of other groups as well.

What distinguishes the case at hand, however, is the fact that claims to upward Syrian—Lebanese mobility reference the ethnic past of peddling. It was written by the well-known Dr. Carlos da Silva Lacaz, who has published other volumes on Brazilian medicine see Lacaz In writing about successful physicians today, peddling is romanticized and celebrated as an ethnic origin myth.

Middle Eastern mobility was also represented in the October 4, edi- tion of the newsweekly Veja. They stayed, worked hard, invested in the education of their children. They brought up generations of doutores educated professionals and a tradition of participation in poli- tics. Middle Eastern names today are encountered in commerce and industry, as well as in politics and medicine.

Some do not use the Arab last name, but no one denies his [or her] origins. What the article does not mention, however, is how white-collar Arabs con- tinue to be viewed as possessing innate business acumen, the essential marker of being turco. This representation manifested itself in the television appear- ance of Dr. Younes, who is a renowned cancer specialist in Brazil and the world.

Younes was dressed in an elegant suit, wearing a smile that is a mark of his well-known personable nature. Younes explained that there are per- centile norms that oblige the medical practitioner to let a certain amount of liquid drain from the lungs after surgery.

Based on his own experience, Dr. Yes, I am. Taking the brincadeira joke one step further, Dr. Although Arab Brazil- ians have long since entered liberal professions with cosmopolitan back- grounds, the image of the commercially astute Turk remains quite popular in the Brazilian public sphere. At the beginning of the interview, I introduced myself as a Ph. You have the blood, the Arab blood! The article, written by a noted public intellectual, stated that Brazil, where the myth of racial democracy has been hidden by statistics, tem con- tas a prestar [lit.

The labor market is proof of the size of the inequality. The black man, [reais]. Statistical representations of the inequalities between whites and blacks in the labor market have served as the gauge with which to measure racial democ- racy—or, more precisely, its absence—in contemporary Brazil. So immigrants had Turkish passports and were called turcos. No, not anymore. Today, I think that you call someone turco in a caring manner [maneira carinhosa].

Such emphasis on the affectionate or caring character of a once marginalizing ethnonym also points to the continued power of racial democracy in a decid- edly ethnic way. Rising from a medical student to a full professor at USP with much experience abroad , this Lebanese Sunni Muslim medical doctor emphasized the absence of any ethnic- or religious-based discrimination in his biography of upward mobility.

Having taken their place among the liberal professional classes, Arab Brazilians such as Dr. Indeed, Arab professionals have generally stressed the nondiscriminatory character of the turco category. It is not prejudicial. It is percent caring. This ostensible nondiscriminatory meaning of turco has not been an easy matter for me.

Given the U. American history of prejudice and racism, the many ver- bal ways of deriding Arabness had been my main point of reference. Indeed, almost all studies of Arab Americans make some mention of such discrimi- nation in the United States e. But all too aware of my U. Take, for instance, Fuad, a well-to-do mer- chant whose children work in liberal professions.

In response to my question about the meaning of turco, Fuad responded: It depends on how you use it. And you can be rich and not get annoyed. Everything good? Been a long time. So, turco has two meanings—one that offends and one that privileges.

But this situational meaning of the term was especially downplayed in relation to liberal professionalism. Our children are brilliant and are our pride. While market imagery has been often used to challenge the so-called myth of racial democracy, it has also been employed by turcos to privilege their place today in this remodeled nationalist hierarchy.

Tellingly, the turco ethnonym has been appropriated by Arabs themselves. Oh, turquinho [little Turk]! Come here! But we ourselves, descendants of Arabs, Syrians, and Lebanese, esculhambamos [messed with] the term. With this, the term was made banal.

We made it a joke. How are you? All right? All right, querido? He…makes it banal. He transforms ran- cor into a joke. And he destroys any rancor. He destroys any animosity. As was shown in Chapters 1 and 2, some Middle Eastern mer- chants and politicians have experienced discrimination. Whether used by street vendors in downtown environs or by journalists in the coverage of a cor- ruption case, the turco category can carry a negative or positive meaning depending on the given context.

Generally, however, liberal professionals who sought to legitimate the ethnonym on their own terms denied this situational variation. It has also helped to shield others from reliv- ing the past. Jesting commentary about Arabs and their innate commercial propensity is no longer solely indicative of an externally imposed, marginal place in the nation.

Often expressed in terms of marriage practices, this religious differentia- tion in Syrian—Lebanese ethnicity historically has taken shape through two national paradigms of immigration policy in Brazil: race mixture until the late s and economic productivity from onward. In the earlier model, mostly Christian Syrian—Lebanese were devalued for their apparent endogamy or in-group marriage.

In contrast, the current policy has recognized and sup- ported mostly Muslim Lebanese who engage in the same marriage practices. My sense is that the fundamental change that has taken place across Syrian—Lebanese generations in the twentieth century is not necessarily the ostensible increase of exogamy out-group marriage but, rather, the national context in which ethnic claims about marriage have been made, questioned, and validated. They were not alone. The anthro- pologist Judith Williams also observed migrants from Brazil who sought wives from their mountainous Lebanese villages Williams 98, Arab community intellectuals were well aware of this matrimonial migra- tion Duoun ; Kurban ; Jamil Safady a; Wadih Safady She found that twenty-six of the ninety-four couples surveyed This diasporic arrangement of endogamy, specif- ically between immigrant men and second-generation women, would remain prevalent through the post—World War II period in Brazil.

Such marriages were not limited to intellectual musings. Likewise, in my research, many second-generation middle-aged women explained that female cohorts in their age range differentiated between male suitors born in Brazil, called nacional national , and in the Middle East, dubbed importado imported.

These play- ful labels, however, belie how little freedom Arab women exercised in marital choice. Wlademir, a second-generation Lebanese, explained that he and others rarely differentiated between Syrians and Lebanese because of a common religious background. He stressed that many families from Syria and Lebanon were Or- thodox Christians, frequenting the same social circles and courting one another.

The designation was not only a creative marker of identity, as Jeffrey Lesser has noted 42 ; it also carried an implicit religious valence, consummated in marriage. Yet this Middle Eastern preservation of Orthodox Christian religiosity enveloped and almost effaced Muslim religious difference. He did not mention, however, whether these women were Middle East- ern or native Brazilian. Their three children married not Muslim but Christian Lebanese and frequented not mosques but churches.

Aware of the Christian difference of Middle Eastern immigrants, early twentieth-century Brazilian observers wrongly depicted them as refugees from a putatively fanatical Muslim Arab world. Lesser has shown how this Brazilian aversion to Muslim difference became manifest when a Christian group from Iraq, the Assyrians, tried to migrate in the early s Lesser Although the Assyrian resettlement plan ultimately failed, this exchange suggests that, while Christian Arabs may have been welcomed, those perceived as Muslim had no place in the early twen- tieth-century Brazilian nation.

In much of the twentieth century, immigration policy served to whiten the Brazilian nation. The place of immi- grants of European origin was thus confirmed in the workplace and the bedroom, laboring and whitening the Brazilian nation. Yet, others perceived as non-white—such as Japanese, Jews, and Middle Easterners—remained an ongoing concern for state bureaucrats and intellec- tuals.

The nationalist ideology of racial mixture, in this light, served as the entry point for both European and non-European immi- grants. Knowlton found that there were Brazilian intellectual and state authorities, however, feared that Middle Eastern men were marrying in their countries of origin or with Brazilian-born Arab women. In earlier works, statistics on Middle Eastern endogamy hovered around 50 percent Ellis —, Viana — Lesser has observed that the same statistics were used to justify both sides of the polem- ical debate.

The bone of contention, however, concerned not statistics per se but the categories underlying them. Amid inadequate statistical repre- sentations, Brazilian national elites voiced fears that a quisto could be form- ing in the national body Fausto Such quantitative imagery contributed to the debate on Middle Eastern miscegenation.

Arab marriage practices constituted a matter of nationalist preoccupation. In Brasil: Terra de con- trastes , Roger Bastide took brief note of how traditional Brazilian fam- ilies disdained Syrian—Lebanese men who stemmed from humble origins: The traditional Brazilian family looks with a certain disdain at those tur- cos, as these immigrants are called still today.

In the novel, one of the characters, seu Nacib Mister Nacib , falls in love with the protagonist Gabriela, a metaphor for the Brazilian nationalist ideology of mixture. Nacib becomes so enamored of the cinnamon-skin-colored woman that he asks for her hand in marriage. The couple wed in a civil ceremony. Stemming from a poor mulata family, Gabriela is not viewed as a suitable wife for the upwardly mobile Nacib. This Brazilian domestication of Arab masculinity contrasts with the U. He is portrayed as comical and bawdy.

Although he steers clear of marriage with U. American women, Hakem ceaselessly seeks to seduce them and is shunned by local townspeople for doing so. American narrative. In this light, Nacib is sexualized in an ethnically dominant position and Hakem in an ethnically subordinate one within the nation. In compensation for services, Brazilian women working in cabarets receive boxes of rice powder, bottles of perfumed water, low- interest loans, and, in rare cases, metal rings with glass stones and other fake jewelry.

In this macho cast, the Middle Eastern commercial essence is extolled in late twentieth-century Brazil. The theme of Arab virility was not lost on Christian Middle Easterners. Our race is hot, and the Brazilian women like it. Pointing to the residence request of a Lebanese migrant whose case folder was sitting on his desk, Felipe explained that the majority of Middle Eastern immigrants today come from southern Lebanon.

Another major change, he explained, is their religion: Though mostly Christians came in the past, Muslim Lebanese over- whelmingly immigrate today. Like the nationalist ideology of mixture, state immigration policy privi- leges masculinity. This indicates that the state has had a direct hand in the containment of Middle Eastern women by family regimes and that masculinity has continued as the dominant basis for mixed and diasporic for- mations of Arab ethnicity.

Upheld by both nationalist ideology and state pol- icy, the ethnic project for Middle Eastern family reproduction has been forged through male dominance. Whether in mixed or diasporic family ideals, men have dominated the contours of Arab ethnicity in contemporary Brazil. In terms of endogamy, I found that immigrant Christian men have been more likely to wed second-generation Christian women, while immigrant Muslim men have tended to marry immi- grant Muslim women.

Seven of twelve immigrant Christian men wed second- generation women, and four of seven immigrant Muslim men married immigrant Muslim women. Similarly, second-generation Christian men have been more likely to marry second-generation co-religionists, while second-generation Muslim men have tended to wed immigrant co-religionists.

In exogamy, I found that among immigrants and in the second generation, Christian men have been more likely to marry non-Arab women of European origins than have Muslim men. Frequenting the same club, the same bar … you end up having a different relationship that will result in marriage. Fernando, like many of his Christian counterparts, stressed that marriages between Syrian and Lebanese descendants have arisen out of frequenting the same social spaces.

There is an inter-linkage between them. As mentioned earlier, a significant number of Christian Middle Eastern men married non-Arab Brazilian women. Ignoring the issue of race, several Christian interviewees articulated a cul- turalist identification when speaking of Arab and Italian intermarriage in Brazil.

They like music and dance. Arabs are talkative, as well. A mixed ethnicity seems to be developing in such marriages between Christian Middle Eastern men and women of European origins. Several mixed and diasporic fam- ilies were present. You are a Lebanese descendant, too.

Forging a familial project in the model of mixture, Christian Arabs attempt to remain atop a shifting ethnic hierarchy in the nation. Although they did not adopt the language of mixture, interviewees lay stress on their nondiscriminatory motives. It is not a question of thinking that Brazilians are inferior.

It is only a differentiation. A second-generation Druze Lebanese, Adnan, similarly explained that, although co-religionists are obliged to marry one another, they are not racist because Druze do not proselytize or convert outsiders into the religion. Most important, Muslim Arabs, such as Hassan, have spoken of their endogamy in terms of cultural maintenance. Hassan, a second-generation Sunni Muslim, met his wife on vacation in Lebanon in the early s. Is this wrong?

The conjugal history of Adnan, a second-generation Druze Lebanese man in his thirties, is illustrative. While visiting Lebanon in the s, Adnan married a Druze woman. But as I stated earlier, a small percentage of their co- religionists have wed non-Arab women three of sixteen. In contrast to their Christian brethren in mixed marriages, though, Muslim Middle Eastern men have put emphasis on how their non-Arab wives of European origins learn Arab culture and language. Of course, the world of non-Arab women who marry Muslim Middle Easterners is more complicated than such blanket statements suggest.

It is the gendered pol- itics of cultural preservation, however, that lies at the heart of such friction. Respected as newfound guardians of Arab culture, non-Arab women can take over a role once relegated to and shoul- dered by Middle Eastern women. In this practice of exogamy, Arab ethnicity has gained greater emphasis in ways that potentially make irrelevant Arab women themselves.

No one, however, is more shook up than Albieri Juca de Oliveira , a geneticist and the godfather of the twins. She falls instantly in love with Lucas during a chance meet- ing, and they become sexually involved in subsequent rendezvous through- out Fez. Mus- lims do not have anything against sexuality.

Hav- ing immigrated with Latiffa to Rio de Janeiro, Mohammed would likewise plan the endogamous engagements of his two children nearly twenty years later. In focusing on the transgressions of one Muslim Arab woman, The Clone subtextually represented Muslim Arab family regimes run by men that defend allegedly Islamic rules of marriage and sexuality. Although it gave more visibility to Islam in a historically dominant Christian community, the soap opera presented Muslims as clones of the Orientalist imagination, as cri- tiqued by Edward Said The Muslim parents that I know … do not motivate their children to study, be they men or women … the men because they have the family business to keep going, and the girls because they are only prepared for marriage inside the community.

Increased ethno-religious visibility thus does not necessarily mean the reduc- tion of prejudice or discrimination. Such assumptions of alleged Muslim isolationism arose during a family gathering of Bassam, an Orthodox Christian who left Lebanon in the s.

After their divorce in the early s, he was happily remarried to a third-generation Italian woman, whose several relatives were present at the soiree. After I men- tioned my research interests, the conversation turned to the history of Lebanese and Italians in Brazil. After a few more barbecue skewers and whiskies, Marcos and Samir began to speak about the changing religious com- position of the Lebanese community.

What made matters worse was that the brother was found drunk with two girls in the car. Although it was not overtly expressed, the moral of the story seemed to be that Muslims who do not mix in Brazil lead lives that end in tragedy. Abdel, Adnan, and Hassan assumed that Christian Middle Easterners have integrated with Brazilians socially and through marriage because of a shared religious background.

However, they also reflected that such mixture has diminished Arabness. Since descendants learn of the Arab world only through the sectarian lens of their Christian forebears, Nadia concluded, they end up discriminating the most against Muslims. Although Muslim Arabs have gained greater visibility today, they continue to be subordinated in relation to historically dominant Christian Arabs. In earlier times, Arab ethnicity was homogenized and questioned in Brazilian nation-making.

In the late twentieth century, however, Christian Arabs situated themselves within the ideology of mixture and spoke of their endogamy in the nationalist language of integration. In these hybrid leisure circles, though, socialites of Syrian—Lebanese origin have emphasized Middle Eastern culturalist styles of food, dance, and music that have been popularized in the increasingly diverse Brazilian market. Middle Eastern cultural forms were marginal- ized in the earlier paradigm but have gained popularity in the current moment.

Deemed to be unappetizing, raucous, or exotic by past Brazilian pundits, food, music, and dance with an Arab appeal have been now marketed to those with highbrow and lowbrow tastes. My contention is that Middle Eastern country club directors and members have gained symbolic power in this context and converted it into social capital among non-Arab Brazilian elites.

Later work on the same cultural staples has put stress on the ostensible authors, especially their resistance to or contestation of the mean- ings of the appropriated cultural forms Browning ; Guillermoprieto ; Sheriff In the late twentieth century, Middle Eastern culinary, music, and dance forms have been appropriated by the Brazilian national market. In this milieu, Brazilians of Middle Eastern descent have made claims to more authentic forms of cuisine and dance in their community-owned clubs, despite contracting restaurant staffs and professional dancers from the mainstream market.

A second-generation Syrian medical doctor, Dr. Immigrant families from the city of Homs in western Syria , for instance, formed Club Homs in In the early twentieth century, nationalist ideologies in the Middle East shaped the boundaries of Middle Eastern leisure spaces in Brazil.

Long live the champion! Fomenting such resentment was the greater purchasing power of immigrant families, which allowed them to afford cars, real estate, and, most of all, leisure spaces that rivaled the clubs of the traditional aristocracy. Or would you prefer kibe? Or would you want a bit of raw kibe? Or would you like kibe with labne? The stuffed grape leaves are excellent! Choose, man! Popular lore also serves up mouthfuls of the seemingly foreign culinary practices of turcos.

Numerous middle-aged to elderly Middle Eastern profes- sionals recounted that turcos who peddled across the hinterlands were often viewed by Brazilian landowners and peasants as cannibals whose favorite dish was children. Since the consump- tion of raw meat was unknown by most in the country at that time though it is less so today , Brazilians mistakenly assumed that the meat was human, not lamb or beef.

In related ways, the exotic character of Middle Eastern music and dance also attracted journalistic scrutiny. I see a belly and a bellybutton dancing in this music. There are swaying bellies and bellybuttons in all the doorways in step with the gramophones. As we shall see later, however, these once alien cultural expressions have been transformed into familiar cultural staples in contemporary Brazil.

A membership title there costs about twelve thou- sand reais, plus monthly fees in the range of two hundred reais. Because these clubs serve upper-middle-class families, member- ship titles are granted only if they are accompanied by letters of reference from at least two members.

Non-whites rarely frequent such spaces. This is an Arab club! Especially in the ACESC-sponsored competitions mentioned earlier, only kind words have been exchanged between Arab and Jewish bourgeoisie. Most tellingly, these country clubs have been generally frequented by families of more modest middle-class backgrounds. Since relatively fewer descendants attend such clubs today, however, the executive directors of sev- eral of them have tried to institute a social calendar that appeals to younger generations and a wider audience.

But this arabesque extends beyond Brazil. Since , the company has opened dozens of restaurants in Mexico City and set its sights on the U. American market. Alberto Saraiva, intended to open restaurants in Florida and California in American public. The contemporary Brazilian market offers not only Arab fast-food chains but also numerous middle- and highbrow restaurants. Only three or four have operated for more than twenty years. Samir, who runs the elegant restau- rant Folha de Uva near Avenida Paulista, was well aware of this growing con- centration.

So from then until now, there has been a very large increase in the number of restaurants. Forty years later, in , however, labor distributed in agriculture plummeted to 23 percent; industry reached 23 percent; and the service sector overtook them both, at 54 percent.

Equally telling has been the sectoral distribution of the gross domestic product GDP. From to , agriculture fell from 11 percent to 9 percent of the GDP; industry also declined, from 41 percent to 34 percent. But the service sector increased from 49 percent to 57 percent of GDP. This newfound currency of Arab cuisine has been made especially apparent in the food columns of mainstream newspapers.

Middle Eastern music and dance forms have also become very popular in Brazil, especially since the soap opera The Clone aired in — Its tele- vised images of Arab women and men helped touch off a consumption frenzy involving belly dancing classes, supplies, and music. At these events, the partygoers—Arab men, some Arab women, and many non-Arab women— come together in the Lebanese folk dance, dabke.

During interludes, Middle Eastern pop music and European techno rhythms are blasted. Because of this, Brazilians are giving more respect to these cultures that are so different, like that of the Arabs. Among the dozens of executives, politicians, medical doctors, and lawyers at gatherings, I have met upwardly mobile professionals ready to make introductions and, perhaps, exchange business cards.

Other Middle Easterners have expressed annoyance with the invidious comparison in the club circuit. I dine at the club. I eat lunch at the club. Ethnics are not alone in differentiating and debating the exclusive char- acter imputed to their community-owned entities. Women are dressed with too much jewelry, and the general public is not well received by Arabs who, in a certain way, discriminate against Brazil- ians.

What family are you from? Countering the claims of authenticity staked by ethnics themselves, these reproaches of Middle Eastern leisure circles have been cast in terms of the con- sumptive markers of class. While Iskander, Sarkis, Samir, and others expressed disillusionment with lofty com- munity standards, they made sure not to miss ethnic events that attracted famous individuals from the Arab community and Brazilian high society.

Despite frequent criticisms, ethnic leisure affairs have provided the opportunity for liberal and business professionals to make connections with both ethnic and national elites. Social capital that is potentially generated in business-card exchanges has been secured with more ease during dinner engagements, especially those with Middle Eastern cuisine.

Alberto explained that the ethnic dinner was buffet-style, and we could begin whenever we wished. Daniela mentioned her agroindustrial enterprise in a town just outside the capital, adding that the alcachofras arti- chokes on which we would be dining were supplied by her business.

Offering details about the land purchased and the build- ing permits obtained, guest and club director expressed excitement about the potential success of their economic undertaking. At the time, I was preoccupied with the exquisite meal about to be consumed, so I initially understood this exchange as mere coincidence or small talk.

Such material plans, however, were not the major topic of conversation that night. However, he suggested that we start with meza appetizers, in Lebanese Arabic before moving on to the main dish. Claiming the most authentic Arabisms in a national market full of them, socialites converted the symbolic power of ethnic cuisine into social capital among the ranks of high society. Men would come together, munch on Syrian—Lebanese foods, play a folk drum called the derbake, sing old tunes, and dance the dabke.

Today, the consumption of Middle Eastern cuisine has a more institutional character, complete with pricey tickets twenty to fifty reais per person , arranged dates from weekly to bimonthly , and novel material ties to upscale Syrian—Lebanese restaurants in the national market. It had to be one of the race to prepare these delicacies.

Informal agreements have been customarily made between female dance pro- fessionals and Arab male club directors. Ethnic and national interlinkages have informed other activities in the clubs as well. Whether making stomach undulations or guttural sounds, teach- ers in these settings have also used their skills in administering courses for pay- ing students in the outside market.

Having been invited to Clube Marjeyoun, named after a small village in southern Lebanon, I found myself enveloped by a family and festive environ- ment. The partygoers ranged in age from their twenties to about seventy, although most were forty-something. As everyone sat down at the more than twenty elegantly decorated tables, there was a solemn moment to pay tribute and award a plaque to a long-time club member. Table by table, people served themselves in a buffet line and returned to their seats.

Within the next ten minutes, four non-Arab belly dancers swayed into the salon. This seemed to be welcomed mostly by men, but also by some women. After a round of the dabke dance circle, another well-known, older male singer with an extravagant moustache appeared. Like many other second- and third-generation members in the audience, I did not catch the full message enunciated in formal, not popular, Arabic. This was met by applause and shouts from the audience. Sitting next to me, the father of my friend—an elderly immigrant from Marjeyoun—tried to wipe the tears from his eyes with his wrinkled hands before anyone noticed.

His daughter and son saw and soon embraced him. It was saudade longing for the homeland, for its mountains and newfound liberty. Yet during my weekly visits, the room was always kept locked. Arabness, in this case, has been marked for public recognition and as extraneous for private consumption.

Language and dance classes have been opened to the public at large to attract non-members and non-Arabs who want to learn about Arab culture. It was a country much more modern in terms of Westernized beauty [belezas ocidental- izadas]. The Syrian maintains more of that closed posture. Internally in Brazil, this differentiation between the Syrian and the Lebanese really exists. When I told a Lebanese family friend who is a naturalized Brazilian citizen that I had enrolled in Arabic-language classes, he responded that I must exercise caution when choosing the teacher and course.

In fact, a few students were able to take classes only because their fathers thought they were involved in other activities. But there has to be a dancer. Once indicative of the peripheral place of Arabs in the Brazilian nation, Middle Eastern food and dance have become popular among elites and masses. This national appropriation, however, has been felt as hav- ing had a positive impact on Arab ethnicity in Brazil.

Claim- ing an authentic Arab culture in the national market, socialites have converted the symbolic power of ethnic commodities into social capital within the upper echelons of the Brazilian nation. While consuming Middle Eastern staples, eth- nic and national connoisseurs have made potentially lucrative social connec- tions. In fact, Middle East- ern tourist packages have been familiar features in Brazilian newspaper travel columns since During such trips, though, they have toured sites of past bloodshed perpetrated by the Israeli military in Syria and Lebanon.

Targeted by airlines and travel agencies, as well as by the Syrian and Lebanese states, Brazilians of Syrian—Lebanese descent have gained greater acknowledgment as a market niche for homeland tourism. Second- and third- generation Arab Brazilians have partaken of homeland tourism because of a deeply felt familial connection with Syria and Lebanon. Consonantly, Arab state powers have counted on the travel practices of second- and third-generation descendants to reinvigorate national tourist industries.

The sites of Israeli violence profoundly affected Syrian— Lebanese descendants, only some of whom internalized anti-Zionism. I went to know where my parents came from. I mean, beyond beauty, it was really moving. Never have I seen the same in my life. And I got really overcome with emotion. Traveling to an ancestral village in Lebanon inspired a unique sense of belonging. I visited more places. The experi- ence of ancestral villages, distant relatives, and tourist sites thus overlapped in heritage tourism.

This dual agenda to discover origins and see new places has been linked into homeland tourist programs. Lebanese state authorities and tourist agen- cies offer excursions not only to archaeological sites but also to villages of emigrant ancestors. After buying ice cream and gifts, the two youths set out for the nearby village of their emigrant grand- parents, Marjeyoun. Accompanied by a ministerial employee, one Lebanese Brazilian, Carlos, was taken to the house of the only living brother of his migrant grandfather.

After embraces were exchanged between emigrant nephew and paternal great-uncle, stories were shared between two family sides that had lost contact for nearly forty years. I said no. Here in Brazil, I am a king. I can buy a car and go out to the cinema. With their livelihoods and lifestyles tied to the Brazilian market, Arab Brazilians have chosen only temporarily to travel to the Middle East. Class and family composition are thus important factors.

Tourists stem from middle and upper classes. In some cases, wives and children spend win- ter vacation July in Lebanon while husbands remain working in Brazil. In other cases, college students travel without parents in guided tours. In a few instances, an entire family travels together. Yet, in characterizing themselves, Arab Brazilians lay stress on religious difference. Four travel agents who sell tickets to the Middle East, in fact, stressed that most of their clients are Muslim. Although some colleagues explained that this is due to the fact that Muslims have a deeper connection to Arabness, others viewed this religious distinction in historical terms.

In contrast, Muslims who immigrated in the second half of the twentieth century have had an easier time visiting Lebanon annu- ally or biennially because of cheaper and faster transportation. So-named Arab and Jewish conviviality also had to do with the similar ways that Arabs and Jews were constructed as ethnics by the Brazilian nation. Having undergone common experiences of mar- ginalization, Arabs and Jews developed interrelationships in the liminal space of the early twentieth-century Brazilian economy.

Even today, Arab Brazilian liberal professionals recurrently acknowledge friendships with Jewish counterparts. It is this nationalist idea that came to challenge the anti-Zionism emitted in homeland tourism. Major airlines have traditionally pushed ticket sales through tourism operators such as Stella Barros, Soletur, and Agaxtour.

Airline companies and tourism operators have also culled personalistic ties with small privately owned travel agencies. Airline enterprises, explained the Alitalia manager, seek to develop relations with these and other kinds of agencies.

Such person-to-person relationships have changed since the early s. Especially today, market managers at Alitalia, Air France, and KLM enjoy access to databases located at their company headquarters in Europe. The Brazil—Middle East segment thus totaled from 1. Viewing the paltry number, I asked a manager why airline compa- nies were interested in a segment with such a small percentage of the total market.

Transna- tional business imperatives strategized in Paris thus linked into the ethnic politics of the national travel industry in neoliberal Brazil. In Arab community maga- zines, the ten cities in large white script included Beirut, Amman, Cairo, and Damascus. Only Tel Aviv and Paris were listed in Jewish mag- azines.

The Air France campaign coincided with other small-scale advertising strategies. More aesthetically modest, such ads provided the name and address of the agency, as well as special packages or ticket prices not only for the Middle East, but also for Brazil and other des- tinations abroad. The Libantur agency, for instance, took out a full-page ad in early issues of Chams magazine. Bringing together three dozen youth or adults of Middle Eastern descent, the tourist program has become a familiar, if intermittently offered, leisure opportunity for Brazilians during winter vacation months.

Lebanon-based tourism enterprises have implemented similar programs. Jacques, an employee of a major travel agency in Beirut, explained that if Lebanese descendants know the name of the village of their emigrant parents, grandparents, or great-grandparents, his agency can prepare an excursion to that same locale. There are big com- munities spread throughout the world. Madame Boushra continued: I told the Minister [of Tourism] that we need to make a campaign for Lebanese descendants in Brazil and Argentina.

And so their children and grandchildren have these beautiful images, this myth of Lebanon in their heads. And when they come here, they will see the Lebanon that they have always heard about. State and business authorities are eager to tap into the emigrant desire to know ancestral villages. They have good reason to do so.

In the late s, Lebanese state and business groups joined forces to make this idea into reality. Investors interested in emigrant Lebanese tourist pro- grams were brought together by an executive at the Emigrado Co. Emigrant Co. In develop- ing relationships with fellow students in Lebanon, reflected the executive, descendants would feel more compelled to return: The idea was to bring them over to meet people, not just for tourism.

We were arranging for them [emigrant youth] to meet three hundred Lebanese university students. This is the way that people become attached to a country: not to stones and ruins, but to people. Brazil was one of the primary countries targeted. In addition, Emigrado Co. An Agaxtour representative was invited on an all-expense-paid trip to experience what the program would be like in Lebanon, according to Amir.

As this campaign took shape in early , however, Israeli planes bombed an electric generator near Beirut allegedly in retaliation for Hezbollah attacks in northern Israel. Within days, Amir recalled, the Agaxtour representative can- celed her free trip. Israel bombs Lebanon, and bad publicity is generated in Western media, especially American.

As we shall see, though, the sites of past Israeli attacks themselves have been transformed into tourist exhibitions. As part of the tour, visitors were also taken into a small house wherein stood a small replica of the hundreds of houses and streets of the town before Israel leveled them.

It shows how the war was, that war that they had. I even have a book [about it] that I brought from there. I have the book from there. This was tourism: a tourism of turbulence. Tourists also have been taken to the southern Lebanese village of Qana. The memorial was also one of the sites visited by the emigrant youth camp. Our tour buses ground to a halt. Like other parts of the United Nations station, it had been left intact as a testament to Israeli vio- lence.

Two dark-green tanks were parked next to it. As sixty members of the Brazilian delegation in the emigrant youth camp made their way off the buses, several boys climbed onto the tanks and asked friends to take pictures. Losing patience with the youngsters, one tour guide screamed for everyone to show respect.

Everyone was made somber by the soliloquy. The youth began to walk up and down the aisles between the tombs. We were soon escorted into other spaces of the memorial still undergoing construction. Inside an adjacent room were two walls full of photographs taken in the aftermath of the bombing raid. Images of strewn body parts and women grasping the spilled entrails of their children shocked us into silence.

We gazed at it. Like other tour groups that visited the destroyed United Nations compound, however, our entourage was quickly escorted back onto buses and taken to the next tourist site: nearby Christian rock carvings that may suggest that present-day Qana is the biblical Cana.

The emigrant youth camp, including sixty members of the Brazilian del- egation, visited another tourist site of turbulence, al-Khiam prison near the border with Israel. Today run by the Hezbollah political party, the prison-turned-museum receives busloads of tourists eager to consume the misdeeds of Israel in southern Lebanon.

This tourist glee, however, soon turned into silence as bearded men, former prisoners, spoke about their experience in the camp. On the right side was a Star of David with visible breaks. The explicative sign in Arabic might have been lost on emigrant youth who only spoke Portuguese, English, and Spanish, but its visual message was clear: the Lebanese resisted and broke free from Zionism.

We stood in both awe and ambivalence. In the emigrant youth camp, both director and employee concurred, Our objective is not only a tourist one. It is to introduce the youth to their nation, and so the camp has a national dimension. Lebanon has suffered a lot with Israel. It has been attacked. Its citizens have been killed. Since Lebanon has suffered a lot from Israel, we of course would include these national symbols. There is a lot to be learned visiting Khiam and Qana, national symbols.

But this tourism of turbulence has also been experienced by Arab Brazil- ian travelers in the day-to-day run of things, especially with omnipresent mil- itary checkpoints. During her stay, she was forced to pass through the checkpoints of varied military forces. And you would drive a bit more.

There was another [checkpoint]. And so you had to stop there again, show your passport and the like. It frightened you a bit. But neither relatives nor taxi driv- ers could take her to visit her in-laws. There were too many checkpoints from too many warring armies, including Syrian, Lebanese, and Israeli forces. Touring the homeland has involved expe- riencing its past turbulence.

While some criticized the overt political agenda of Arab state and tourist entities, others expressed solidarity with them. Neither for Arabs nor for Jews. But for me, I thought it was a tour, a cool tour. Everyone liked it. We saw new things, different customs, interesting foods. You know, we get indignant, but the trip was a cool tour in a land linked to my grandparents.

After leaving the site of the destroyed United Nations complex in Qana, for instance, members of the Brazilian del- egation on the bus entered into a discussion of their own relations with Jews. Although an anti-Zionist, and anti-Semitic, sentiment momentarily surfaced, it faded soon enough as the delegation arrived at the site where Jesus allegedly turned water into wine near Qana. Sandro, a second-generation high- school student, noted that the tours in al-Khiam and Qana in southern Lebanon were his favorite part of the camp.

I am not afraid of countries that are judged to be superior to us. Now I know who I am. I am Lebanese, and Lebanese do not bow to anyone. I am not inferior to anyone. But many others took issue with the al-Khiam and Qana tours. But in Brazil, our cul- ture does not permit this kind of racism due to our miscegenation. Nationalist precepts thus potentially counter the logics of exclusion that derive from them.

She explained: On the trip, I came to know the city where my great-grandfather … was born and lived. It was a little sad because the city was completely destroyed by the war. I have another past in another country. I would really like to meet my rel- atives who still live there. Notwithstanding her criticisms of its anti-Zionist agenda, the state-sponsored tourist program had an impact on the way that Isabella thought of herself: as not only Brazilian but also Lebanese.

Planning to build a genealogical tree link- ing together these two branches of her background, Isabella articulated a Lebanese identity particular to Brazil. It was also put into prac- tice. This can be illustrated in the case of Carlos, the third-generation Lebanese Brazilian boy mentioned earlier who was reunited with his great-uncle in the southern Lebanese village of Marjeyoun.

Relatives second- and third-generation Lebanese and Italians and a few locals made up the audience of fewer than twenty people. Carlos made a presentation of more than two hours about Lebanon and the emigrant youth camp that had taken him there.

They were whipped with the insides of tires. They were given only bread and water to eat. The map was folded. He was a sixteen-year-old boy who had spoken eloquently about the country whence stemmed his paternal grandfather, and his family was proud of him.

But Arab Brazilians have put to use travel practices in their own particular ways as well. Arab Brazilian tourists articulated mul- tiple views regarding the homeland, the tourist sites through which they had come to know it, and the relations between Arabs and Jews in Brazil. Amid the increasing polarization between Arabs and Jews in the Middle East, their voices resound that there are culturally creative, and alternative, ways to defy these turbulent times.

In such contexts, their alleged innate ability to wheel and deal, purported proclivity toward endogamy, traditions of cuisine and dance, and desires to tour Arab homelands have won increased visibility. Theoretically, this book has aimed to push the study of ethnicity beyond present-day parameters. Since the s, scholarship has made path-breaking inquires into the peripheral construction of ethnic difference from the colo- nial past through the national present Friedlander ; Munasinghe ; Stutzman ; Warren []; Williams Seeking to use and move beyond this historical framework, I have asked how the hierarchical relations between ethnicity and the nation have shifted and reorganized during the neoliberal moment of the world system.

Once solely rejected or coerced, ethnic subjects and substances have now become acknowledged as export partners, ethically accountable leaders, and market-niche consumers in the neoliberal nation. In this light, ethnicity has not been elevated beyond nationalist struggle. Rather, it has become privileged in unprecedented ways. Ultimately, my focus on this Arab formation in nationalist agendas and political-economic pro- grams on the Brazilian periphery of the world system has sought to de-center or disrupt established ways of studying Arabness, exploring another arabesque that now circulates in the Americas.

The experiences of Dr. Nasser Rajab, a second-generation Arab Brazilian lawyer, illustrate expected and surprising outcomes between Arab ethnicity and the Brazilian nation in this still uncertain global order. On a sunny April afternoon in , Dr. On his antique desk was an old IBM desktop computer as well as a shiny new laptop.

It comes in handy when Dr. Indeed, it took me several months to schedule a meeting with him between his frequent trips to the Brazilian and Argentine federal capitals. Rajab immediately addressed his appearance in the mainstream conservative newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo in December Although it is known as Abin, Dr. Rajab felt that it was his duty to look into the case and requested a copy of the documents in question.

As the O Estado de S. It is, rather, limited to some individuals within the intelligence agency itself. Nasser has thus sought to take only Abin to court. Nasser spoke at length about news reportage on the surveillance of so- called Islamic ethnic groups. But he stressed that his court case against Abin is not just about the rights of Muslims to practice their religion without discrimination, but also about their right to gainful employment.

The court case against Abin was thus not just about religion or racism. It was also about defending Muslim Arab market mobility. That Dr. As I mentioned in Chapter 3, the market has become a gauge to measure, defend, or contest race and ethnic relations in the nation. Rajab explained that many friends and colleagues had remarked that it might draw undue media scrutiny or estrange potential clients. Much to his own surprise, however, Dr.

Rajab noted that since the publication of the O Estado de S. Paulo article, he had received many letters and phone calls of solidarity from people throughout Brazil. In an alleged racial democracy, his denouncement of racism has drawn wide pub- lic support and encouragement.

One such phone call was made by the U. Rajab explained that this vice-consul, who goes by the name Mal- colm, expressed interest in meeting him and visiting his mosque. Initially, Dr. Rajab feared that this was a pretense for CIA surveillance. To his surprise, how- ever, the vice-consul was personable, and, as Dr.

However, the early arrangement collapsed following demands by Jho Low to involve the main Al Waseet group directly in the vast money laundering transactions. Not only did he need to replace me as a business partner but he needed to destroy me. I did not understand this at the time as I thought I could remove myself from this operation without such consequences. Kiwan has told Sarawak Report. Shortly after the rupture he says he became the target of state backed persecution mounted by the Al Sabah family, which he believes was orchestrated as a revenge by Jho Low.

He and fellow directors were prosecuted on numerous trumped up charges relating to alleged offences against Sheikh Sabah resulting in prison sentences totalling 32 years. Free but still fighting and preparing to bring criminal complaints against Najib and Jho Low in Malaysia.

Following torture and solitary confinement Bachar Kiwan succeeded in escaping Kuwait and has resisted Red Notice attempts to extradite him back from Europe on the grounds of political persecution. However, three fellow directors remain in jail. It was at this point that records show that operations switched to separate companies controlled by Al Sabah, although they were still managed through accounts at the same ICBC Bank branch newly opened in Kuwait.

Bachar Kiwan believes that it was at this point that Jho Low installed his trusted Kuwaiti confidant Hamad Ali Al Wazzan to act as his business proxy to manage these money laundering operations through the new companies owned by Sheikh Sabah. According to the documentation, which the Kuwait money laundering authority passed only to the Kuwait Ministry of the Interior owing to the political sensitivity of the matter, two further companies owned by Sheikh Sabah were involved in suspicious transactions involving Malaysia.

One of these companies identified was Al Asbah International General Trading, incorporated in Kuwait 20th June with Sheikh Sabah as the only shareholder and a capital of a thousand dinars. This is not consistent with the capital of the company which is 1, KD. The reason given to the bank was for buying shares. At the time the Malaysian prime minister was desperately trying to meet debt repayments due by the fund from which billions had already been looted.

The details from Kuwait appear to provide damning evidence confirming the suspicions about massive Chinese kickbacks for inflated projects. The amount is not consistent with the capital of 1, KD and there is no proof of any commercial activities for such amounts. For example:. This contract was between El M was for the purpose of selling the goods. They said they would take legal measures against Midas but we have no proof there was any action.

The record of the company showed more big transfers done with the same business modus operandi of the contract being terminated. The reason of the transfer is to fulfil obligations with suppliers.

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Awang, Siti Rahmah and Mohamed, Noorazilah The multiple intelligence classification of management graduates usng two-step cluster analysis. Awang Hamid, Dayang Hajah Tiawa and Salim, Kalbin Implementation of structured inquiry based model learning toward students' understanding of geometry. He is in front of the firing squad from the first sentence of the book. Roda Viva. Calabar was written at the end of , in partnership with filmmaker Ruy Guerra and directed by Fernando Peixoto.

The play depicts the position of Domingos Fernandes Calabar during the historic episode in which he chose to take sides with the Dutch against the Portuguese crown. As always, the censors of the military regime had to approve and release the work at a rehearsal dedicated to that purpose. After the show was ready, there was a wait for the final approval.

The damage to the authors, actor Fernando Torres, producers of the play, was enormous. The team also cooperated in the realization of the final text through readings and suggestions. Professor Luiz Werneck Vianna contributed, later, with very informative observations. We are grateful to Dr.

In the same sentiment we are grateful to Messrs. Finally, a hug for the cast who understood our creative process and became part of it. This play is dedicated to the memory of Paulo Pontes. Julinho de Adelaide. One cannot mention the works of Chico Buarque without talking about Julinho de Adelaide. At the height of the military rule, when the censors mercilessly prohibited everything Chico Buarque touched, a new star appeared to hit the market, Julinho de Adelaide.

Chico would record the songs of this new artist whose songs were so lyrical and not dissimilar to his own. Kirsten Weinoldt was born in Denmark and came to the U. Raia o dia Tem sereno O pai ralha Meu bem trouxe um perfume?

Nem um barco Nem um peixe Cai a tarde Quem sabe meu nome? The day shines There is drizzle The father scolds Did my love bring a scent? My secret friend Set my heart fluttering Father, the time is turning Father, let me breathe the wind Wind.

Neither a boat Nor a fish The afternoon falls Who knows my name? Landscape Nobody moves The sun hovers Is my love jealous? My errant lover Goes to look for me Father, see that time turns Father let me walk into the wind Wind.

If the sea has the coral The star, the mollusk A galleon in the mud Thrown in the back yard Dry, the conch guards the sea In its case Oh, my love for always Never allow me to rest Father, the time is going to turn My father, let me carry the wind Wind Wind, wind. A minha gente sofrida Despediu-se da dor Pra ver a banda passar Cantando coisas de amor. Mas para meu desencanto O que era doce acabou Tudo tomou seu lugar Depois que a banda passou.

E cada qual no seu canto Em cada canto uma dor Depois da banda passar Cantando coisas de amor The Band I was without reason in my life My love called me To see the band pass by Singing things of love. My suffering people Shed their pain To see the band pass by Singing things of love. The serious man counting money, stopped The lighthouse keeper counting advantages, stopped The girlfriend counting stars, stopped To, hear and let it pass The sad girl who lived silently, smiled The sad rose which lived closed, opened And the kids all got excited To see the band pass by Singing things of love.

The old, weak man forgot he was tired and thought That he was still a boy by dancing on the terrace The ugly girl leaned out the window Thinking the band was playing for her The happy march scattered on the avenue and insisted The full moon which lived hidden, came out My city dressed up To see the band pass by Singing things of love.

But to my disenchantment That which was sweet, stopped Everything took its place After the band passed. And everyone in his corner In every corner, pain After the band passed by Singing things of love. I stretch out in space like a cat To catch you, animal of the wild To satisfy your half breed eagerness Which, when it sees me, huddles and provokes me And in the same impulse expels and embraces me Our skins stick together with sweat Today is the day of grace Today is the day of the hunt and the hunter.

Rest on my poor breast Which never faces the sea But which has a close embrace, morena With a way to please you Come and hear the beautiful stories Which I dreamed for your love Come and know how many victories, morena For seas that only I know. This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed. Best Coupons and Promo Deals. Indian players are enjoying betting and wagering at this Best Online Casino site.

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JEFF GOLA FIDELITY INVESTMENTS

Department of Education was crucial for the bulk of research under- taken in Brazil. A library travel grant from the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Florida, Gainesville, enabled me to consult pri- mary and secondary sources on Middle Easterners across Latin America and the Caribbean. This book would never have been possible if it were not for Arab Brazil- ian friends and colleagues. Words cannot express my gratitude to so many of you who shared your experiences and thoughts on what it is like to be, and be seen as, Arab and Brazilian.

But I will here extend my deepest appreciation to many of you. Samoel Atlas, Adel Auada, Dr. Claude Fahd Hajjar, Dr. Riad N. Fares Abdulmassih of the Grupo Hakim, Dr. To Maurice Saad Jr. Leila not only made my research possible; she also made it thoroughly enjoyable. As part of my research in Brazil, I partook in a tourist excursion with other youth of Lebanese descent for one month in Lebanon.

For giving me the opportunity to participate and enjoy myself , I am indebted to Mahmood Joumaa, general director; Ahmed Assi, public-relations director; Ranya Maalouf, public-relations assistant director; Elie Khachan, also of the public-relations department; and the staff hired for the camp, including Fatima Ayoub, Fadi El-Far, and William El-Ghajar. During the trip, I made close friendships with participants that I con- tinue to cherish.

Special thanks go to Eduardo Chaalan Bittar, too. Without meaning to sound like a greeting card, it has been my honor and privilege to be related to you by blood, marriage, or fate. When I am with you, I feel closer to siti and the world that she, her brothers, and her parents, experienced. The love and sustenance that you all have given me has been unconditional, total, and automatic.

In the case of our family, it could not be closer to the truth. Preparing almost half of the estimated 1. I proceed toward Club Homs on the main avenue. On this night, the club is hosting a chic commemoration of the National Day of Syria. Passing through the security gate, I join a cadre of mostly Arab and some non-Arab Brazilians. Among the eminent businessmen in attendance is a third-generation Syrian—Lebanese who has been praised by President Cardoso for training Brazilian executives in how to export to the Arab world.

The Arab Brazilian Chamber of Commerce over which he presides is located just across the avenue. Her honored guests the previous year included physicians of Lebanese descent who practice at the award-winning Syrian—Lebanese Hospital just two blocks off the main avenue. That such an arabesque winds through and beyond Avenida Paulista may seem puzzling.

After all, Avenida Paulista is hardly an Arab space. State and business elites from Brazil and the world pass through the many blocks of high-rise buildings that line the eight-lane avenue. How have apparent Arab elements and events attained such a marked visibility amid such dominant interests on Avenida Paulista?

What does this say about the place of Middle Eastern descen- dants today in this Brazilian city and nation? Nearly a half-century after the last major waves of immigration, Middle Easterners have attained an unprecedented kind of privilege throughout Brazil. Represented in newspapers, television, adver- tising, or other media, these institutional practices guide my analysis of Arab ethnic recognition in Brazil.

In the open economy, Syrian—Lebanese descendants have fashioned them- selves as Arab promoters of Brazilian exports to the Persian Gulf market. Brazilians of Syrian—Lebanese descent have even been targeted as a market for homeland tourism in Syria and Lebanon. In short, Arab ethnicity has gained a novel force in the turn toward economic openness, state transparency, and consumer diversity. In the most sophisticated way, Brackette Williams , has explored how the colonial order of ethnicity was later reproduced by subordinate groups in the making of nation, despite the formal end of colonialism itself.

While addressing the shifting ways that ethnicity has been marginalized in the past and present, these authors have turned their attention to the increased visibility of ethnicity in the nation through global- izing images and networks.

A parallel shift can be traced through scholarship on the nation and nationalism. These studies raise a fresh set of questions about the imaginative construction of the nation in global political economy today. Following these lines of inquiry, my work pushes beyond colonial and post- colonial histories of ethnicity and nation-making.

The current phenomenon of neoliberalism in Latin America foregrounds the need for this approach. Through World War I, their ideas gained wide acceptance among Latin American elites in the paradigm of progress and positivism.

With the effects of the Great Depression, this free-market orientation was reversed across Latin America. To reduce external exposure and ensure stabil- ity, high tariffs were placed on imports, public companies were established, and the state gained control over exchange rates. Challenging the free-market ideal in classic liberalism, Keynes promoted state-led development.

Across Latin America, protectionist policies developed alongside nationalist ideologies. Banking institutions were eager to lend to Latin Ameri- can states because of their increased capital holdings from oil-price hikes. In , however, this credit dried up when Mexico declared that it could not meet scheduled repayments. Similar moratoria were announced by other countries in and beyond Latin America in the s. These so-named neoliberal reforms were initially supported by middle classes dis- mayed by state-led development policies that seemed to shelter corrupt national industries and civil servants.

Welcomed by some, bemoaned by others, this new instance of liberalism has been primarily treated as a structural phenomenon in Latin American Studies. Some have seen it as crucial to reform states and markets Kingstone ; Oxhorn and Ducantenzeiler ; Weyland , Others have argued that it exacerbates gender inequality Babb , social exclusion Chase , and political-economic vulnerability Gwynne and Kay Making a critical contribution in this line of inquiry, Charles Hale , has recently shown that neoliberal policies do not negate but selectively recognize ethnic claims in order to safeguard dominant relations in the nation.

In a similar fashion, I demonstrate that the increased recognition of Brazil- ians of Middle Eastern descent not only signals their greater privilege but also reveals certain limits to ethnic claims within the neoliberal order. In a similar manner, I grasp neolib- eralism in cultural and discursive terms of market openness, government transparency, and consumer diversity.

The open-market model required by the IMF and the Washington Consensus has given newfound significance to national exportation and its interlopers. I show that Arab ethnicity has gained privilege in Brazil today, but such acknowledg- ment ultimately ties into the Brazilian national context. It is often heard in this country made up of citizens who trace their origins to more than 8 million immigrants from Europe, East Asia, and the Middle East Fausto Recently, however, ethnicity has also been explored in relation to the cultural politics of nation-making.

In Negotiating National Identity , Jeffrey Lesser has asked how non-European and non- African immigrants forged a hyphenated ethnicity through symbolic means in the nation. Ethnicity has gained acknowledgment during what I call the neoliberal moment or experiment.

In Brazil, the structure of neoliberalism began to be implemented in the s, but its culture became evident only in the s. State immigration policy was also revamped for transnational executives and cheap labor Galetti ; Sales e Salles By the elections, the term neoliberalismo entered into pub- lic debate.

The then parochial Fernando Collor de Mello championed it as an antidote for the corruption allegedly resulting from past decades of big gov- ernment. Although scholars since the s have documented racism in Brazil Cardoso and Ianni ; Hasenbalg ; Wagley , the idea of the slight existence of racism remains prevalent today.

Likewise, Chapter 4 shows that the nationalist idea of mixture has remained important in the public sphere but has been removed from the state immigration policy of economic pro- ductivity. In both cases, market representations have not replaced but remod- eled national belonging. The current reorganization of race and ethnicity is most evident in the Brazilian cultural industry.

To a degree of contrast, though, the culture industries now have helped produce not only national, but also racial and ethnic, identities. Meanwhile, James Clifford and George Marcus, the editors of Writing Cul- ture , the volume that inaugurated the critique, moved from being post- modern savants to diasporic and transnational canonizers. Clifford published a seminal essay on diaspora Clifford and later included it in Routes Marcus came out with a piece on transnational research methods and later inserted it in his volume Ethnography through Thick and Thin But this current direction has been invariably criticized for its inattentive- ness to the anthropological tradition of holism.

It points to the greater inten- sity of ethnicity in the nation today by engaging with people in their public struggles, alliances, and ambivalences. My focus on Brazilians of Syrian—Lebanese descent aims to call attention to another arabesque in the world today.

But to highlight the particularity of this Brazilian formation of Arabness, my book makes brief comparisons with Arabs in the Americas, especially in the United States. Mostly departing from present-day Syria and Lebanon, Middle Eastern immigrants in the Americas have been estimated at more than , between the s and the s Himadeh ; Issawi ; Karpat Spreading evenly across Argentina, Brazil, and the United States,5 these immigrants attained a striking presence as peddlers by the s and were popularly caricatured as such for the next several decades.

Buy now! But buy! Historians agree that the vast majority of Middle Eastern immigrants to Brazil arrived in the early twentieth century Gattaz ; Lesser ; Nunes ; Truzzi Mostly stemming from present-day Syria and Lebanon, , Middle Easterners immigrated to Brazil from to Lesser 8.

From the s onward, however, it appears that only to immigrants from mostly south Lebanon and Palestine arrived annually. Take, for example, an article published on Middle Easterners in the newsweekly Veja Varella These numerical claims have gained greater legitimacy in public circula- tion, as made evident in the social life of an article from Folha de S. In comparison, a brief look at the numbers of Middle Easterners in the United States is revealing. From the s through the s, roughly , immigrants from present-day Syria and Lebanon went to the United States Suleiman 2.

But census and simi- lar estimates for U. A more accurate, if unsubstantiated, estimate today is 2. Yet, from the late nineteenth century to the present, turco has been com- monly used by Brazilian elites and masses in reference to people of Middle Eastern origin. In earlier times, the label was seen as derogatory. The politics of naming Middle Easterners in U.

But today, this etymological past has been forgotten. Given the past discrimination against Middle Easterners and Muslims in the United States, such violence was tragic but pre- dictable. Within weeks after September 11, the BBC, New York Times, and other global news agencies claimed that international and local authori- ties were monitoring tri-border Middle Eastern communities for terrorist sus- pects. Drawing special interest was the U. Even a close friend, Leila, kept her daughter home from school for two days, fearing reprisals from classmates or even teachers.

American national representations of Middle Easterners. Were Brazilians of Syrian—Lebanese descent, I anxiously won- dered, experiencing a break with historical and current patterns of Arab eth- nicity in Brazil? Had they been suddenly encompassed by the politics of Mid- dle Easternness endemic to, and established before, the September 11 attacks in the United States?

Capitalizing on tumultuous world events including reprisals against Arabs in the United States , Globo media moguls reinvented the soap opera as a way to educate the Brazilian pub- lic about the Muslim Arab world. There is terrorism in all countries and between all peoples, and the Muslims are people like us. It was organized in response to both the September 11 attacks and the continuing violence between Israelis and Palestinians.

A different scenario unfolded in the U. American context. Headed by John Ashcroft, the U. Department of Justice, cited in How- ell and Shryock American multiculturalist ideology. This anecdotal comparison between Arabs in Brazil and the United States should suggest that September 11, , and later events are not a homogeniz- ing force whereby Arabs across the Americas have been encompassed by the U.

American and Brazilian nationalist frameworks. The gender disparity was due to male predominance in professional networks. These events and advertisements were covered or featured in four Arab-run magazines or newspapers, which I collected from October until December One person agreed to meet with me: the editor-in-chief of an Arab community magazine, Chams. With a notepad tucked in my pockets, I more than once found myself beside other journalists—both the ethnic and national varieties—jotting down excerpts from long speeches and partaking in intriguing conversations.

Initially, I thought these public performances would serve as a methodological tool, providing the opportunity to meet and build rapport with Middle Easterners. This turned out to be the case. Middle Easterners expended much time and energy in scheduling and frequenting for- mal gatherings. Through stories told by family in the United States and Brazil, I had known that siti my grandmother was born and raised in northern Brazil, the daughter of a migrant Lebanese couple.

But I did not know that her father my great-grandfather died and was buried there. Under the hot mid- day sun, we entered the cemetery of majestic gravestones, each adorned with black-and-white photographs of defunct souls. Abruptly, our uncle pointed to a blackened tomb with a small oval-shaped portrait set in porcelain. The image startled my brother and me on the broken concrete. We stared at the image that was so inti- mate and in such a seemingly distant place.

This story is one of the autobiographical accounts that I used during research in — In retrospect, however, my narrative provoked only stories of movement across the Americas and the Middle East. For counterparts, my story substantiated a claim not to Brazilianness but to diasporic Arabness. Perhaps due to my surname and, I suspect, my pronounced brow and off-white complexion , the issue that mattered most was not my Arabness but my status as U.

Invariably I added, infelizmente unfortu- nately in a sardonic effort to clarify my politics, especially since the sound of americano suggests chauvinism. American foreign policy, it occurred to me that upper and middle classes who knew the United States through tourism were not that turned off. In fact, my U. Americanness was respected in the high ranks of Brazilian society.

I ordered some from my university in upstate New York and eventu- ally learned how to introduce myself and query into exchanging them with a given interloper. This personal experience of class subordination led me to sharpen my wit and presentation among more well- to-do ethnographic subjects in the most varied informal and formal settings. Upscale research, in this sense, served as a much needed lesson for a young anthropologist in the world of professionals and socialites.

This will be evident in the high-powered Arab export promotional seminars to which I now turn. Financed by their family fortunes from the Brazilian textile market, the chamber orig- inally served their high-society pretensions in Brazil and with the homeland.

Examining exportation as a cultural idiom and social fact, this chapter fol- lows a recent turn in transnational studies. Early theorists analytically opposed national and transnational formations, arguing for either the downfall or the persistence of the nation-state Appadurai ; Basch et al.

In con- trast, later work has investigated the mutual constitution of state, national, and transnational forces Cheah and Robbins ; Ong ; Sassen Once disparaged as economic pariahs and still questioned as sly store owners, Middle Easterners have also gained recogni- tion as the parceiros partners of national and state elites in Brazil.

They have collaborated in the forging of a novel economic paradigm for the nation: O Brasil Exportador the Exporting Brazil. In this remodeling, the alleged com- mercial propensity of Arabs—an element that historically marked their peripheral place in the country—has been welcomed under certain circum- stances by export-eager Brazilian elites. A sim- ilar immigration story is that of the Jafet brothers, who arrived in the same decade and opened textile factories as early as the s.

In , Middle Eastern—owned businesses were listed, most specializing in clothing and dry goods. The main speaker at the event was the eldest Jafet brother, Nami. But it was also expressed in efforts to raise the then lowly status of commerce, as well as the reputation of the turcos who were viewed as epitomizing it. Brazilian elites regarded the country as an agricultural plantation that could supply rubber, cacao, and mostly coffee to North America and Europe Dean ; Holloway ; Stolcke ; Weinstein In their vision, he and other Middle East- erners were innately shrewd turcos who accumulated considerable sums of wealth through petty commerce.

Arabs were also assumed to use their innate business acumen for personal enrichment at the expense of the agriculturally imagined Brazilian nation. Middle Eastern peddling was also criticized by a well-known ethnol- ogist and statesman, Edgar Roquette-Pinto partially cited in Lesser Deviating from the subject matter of his book on the natural history of the Greater Amazon region, he surmised: Turcos peddle in all parts.

They entrench themselves, seeking clients in all corners. From the thousands of them that Brazil annually receives, there is not even a hundred [agricultural] producers. Here, there does not exist rural turco workers; and still there is not a foreign element more spread out in the whole country. No one really knows for sure how they call themselves, where they are from, what reli- gion they profess.

They live among one another, practically ignored by the Brazilians. In this vision, turco merchants were pariahs. In the next few decades, however, trade and industry experienced extra- ordinary growth in Brazil. Accounting for 21 percent of the gross national product GNP in and again in , industrial production expanded to 43 percent of the Brazilian GNP in Leopoldi While agricul- tural growth rates hovered between. Fully operational in , Volta Redonda served as a metaphor for a Brazilian nation imagined no longer as a mere plantation but as a bustling factory writ large.

They represented 40 percent of the rayon-weaving segment alone 90 of Catering to urban commercial and industrial classes mostly composed of immigrants , Vargas instituted a protectionist policy that placed high tariffs on imports.

This benefited the national textile industry from the s onward. They developed a chain of production and distribu- tion wherein textile rolls were purchased by wholesalers who then sold them to garment producers. Much had changed for Brazilians of Middle Eastern origins from the late nineteenth century to the s. While immigrant peddlers were disparaged as economic pariahs in the agriculturally imagined nation until the s, they had gained an ambivalent respectability by midcentury, not only because of their social mobility as proprietors and industrialists, but also due to the com- mercial and industrial turn of the Brazilian national economy.

Materially and symbolically, their prestige derived from the grand cap- italist success of the preceding immigrant generation. In the next few decades, Jafet family investments and enterprises vertically expanded into mining, banking, transportation, and other sectors of the Brazilian economy. The Jafets were succeeded by descendants of the famed Assad Abdalla, who had immigrated to Brazil in Three second-generation members of the Abdalla family, in fact, presided over the chamber through five terms between and , as well as between and Albeit on a smaller scale, this strategy of investing in real estate was exercised by many Syrian—Lebanese merchants and industrialists see Karam On a smaller scale, this strategy of ganhar em cima do estoque earning on top of stockpiles was a common practice among merchants during that era.

All was not lost, however. It was really attached to society. Alterations in the actual name of the chamber speak to the increasing role of Arab state powers. This language was not fortuitous. The Chamber hoped to lend future diplomatic serv- ices and intermediate in Arab and Brazilian commerce. Brazilian chief exec- utives asked how to export to the Arab world. In , it began levying fees for the services requested by Brazilian and Arab govern- ments and enterprises.

The CCAB coffers and activities have not stopped growing since. With a pen clenched in his hand to sign documentation, a burning cigarette hanging from his mouth, a telephone receiver braced between his chin and shoulder as he awaited an important phone call, and an avid anthropologist sitting before him, Pierre proved a master at serving the most diverse clientele. You have many stores that sell articles from abroad, from Asia, from China. Gifts, toys, and such.

You enter a garment store, the same thing. So today, the commerce here is really dependent on importation. In response, Rodolfo imports 80 percent of his stock from Italy, China, the United States, and other countries. He and his partners have even renovated their four-story complex as a retail space. Originally a warehouse for textile wholesaling, their building now caters to lower- and middle-class shoppers.

In fact, the sweatshops are often associated with immigrants from China, Taiwan, and Korea. Indeed, when the borders between Brazil and Paraguay were temporarily closed in early , store owners and street ven- dors both were found to be lacking goods on stands and shelves. At one point, even Beto was paid a visit by a team of inspectors, much to the contentment of street vendors and his Asian tenants.

This dissonance among Brazilians of Syrian—Lebanese descent suggests not just continuity, but also change in the hierarchy between ethnicity and nation in contemporary Brazil. So, these agencies have as [their] reason of being to awaken the exporting spirit in small and medium-size companies and, at the same time, to educate, assist, and give access to information: What are the countries that buy?

What kind of product? Furlan also emphasized the parcerias partnerships between export- oriented state agencies and international chambers of commerce. Run mostly by immigrants or descendants, the most prominent are the American, Arab, Italian, and Russian entities. Unlike chambers of commerce that aim to open the Brazilian market for the impor- tation of goods and services from their own countries of origin, the CCAB has attempted to distinguish itself as an entity devoted primarily but not solely to the exportation of Brazilian goods and services to the Middle East: The Chamber, instead of representing foreign interests in Brazil, performs in a fully independent manner, turned mainly to exportation, in perfect consonance with the goals of the government and of the Brazilian econ- omy.

It has sought to secure its role as an ethnic partner in the export-driven Brazilian national economy. Even the CCAB logo—a crescent moon colored by the green, yellow, and blue of the Brazilian flag—is displayed alongside the emblems of Brazilian federal agencies.

It is the collective nation [pause] of Arabs. Such Arabness, however, is distinct from its prior manifestation in the s. In fact, those states make up the major areas to which Brazilian exports and exporters are directed. Shahid, for instance, is a second-generation Palestinian telecommunications businessman.

Having lost revenue after , he expressed interest in exporting to the Arab world. Shahid rationalized that importers in the Arab world would prefer the products of a fellow Arab in Brazil. Arabness, he stressed, was alavancagem leverage.

He asked me to ask the CCAB why it had never attended to his inquiries. While one deals in investment banking, the other works in the lactose industry. Sealing deals during the Gulf business mission, they have also secured directorships in the chamber.

Since then, he has mounted exhibits on Egyptian and Algerian tourism in Brazil. Among the 1, participants who paid forum fees in the range of three thousand dollars were Colin Powell and U. American chief executives from Intel, Boeing, and ExxonMobil. American interests, U. American hegemony. Participants perused them, adjusted name tags on lapels, and glanced at their gold watches as the seminar began.

After panelists from the Arab chamber and the Brazilian fed- eral government were introduced at the front table, a synopsis was given of their co-sponsored activities. Atallah made sure to point out that the Dubai business center was partly funded by the Brazilian state. He likes to negotiate, to offer coffee and debate the price of the merchandise, … and he likes to feel victorious on the price issue. You always had the Arab community in this area. For us here in Brazil … this culture of the [Arab] immigrant is present in the day-to-day.

Daniella, the cosmetics executive, participated in the same commercial mis- sion to the Arabian Gulf. You ask for a discount, but the Arab really holds out [segura muito]. In the late s, Eduardo and Daniella were just two of the several thou- sands of Brazilian businesspeople who partook in CCAB seminars on how to export to the Middle East. Having returned from a ten-day commercial mis- sion in several Arabian Gulf countries, they were starry-eyed with potentially lucrative business deals.

And the [Arab] chamber has this role. It has a rela- tionship in these countries, since its part of the community. It was a science to export. And now with the open- ing, there has been a renewal of the role of chambers of commerce, and there are various ones that are very active.

My government sees the community as an important and even indispensable ally in our efforts to augment and diversify our exports. It only remains for me to thank one more time the CCAB and, by its intermedi- ation, the Arab community for everything they have done to promote the good name of Brazil. In counterdistinction, however, the Arab Brazilian Chamber of Commerce has come to occupy a privileged position.

Its present-day second- and third-generation Syrian—Lebanese direc- tors have striven to help Brazilian executives export to the Arabian Gulf and North Africa. As such, these newfound export promoters of Syrian—Lebanese descent have gained greater recognition as the literal partners of Brazilian elites, not despite their alleged commercial propensity, but because of its per- ceived advantage for national exportation.

Clamoring for jus- tice in the Middle East, these politicians expressed a righteous brand of Arab ethnicity in a Brazilian government undergoing transparent reform today. Serving as a platform to make righteous declarations, the event has accentuated the accountability of Arab eth n ics in Brazil amid an anticorruption program sponsored by the World Bank. These ethical highlights of ethnicity are best grasped in what Akhil Gupta calls the imagined state Gupta ; see also Ferguson and Gupta Far from invalidating state power, media and lay com- mentaries on corruption compose its discursive presence in the public sphere.

In dialogue with his work, this chapter proposes another rhetorical way by which the state is imagined: transparency. As Todd Sanders and Harry West observe, transparency has gained a global currency among international organizations, governments, and media groups. Although suspicions of corruption and declarations of transparency are nothing new in Brazil, their symbolic delineation grew more striking in the late twentieth-century imagined state.

In the s, press coverage focused on the seeming increase of corruption and hailed subsequent ethical probes in municipal, state, and fed- eral government circles Bezerra ; Cardozo ; Gois Discursively, the state has been challenged by transparency claims and re composed through them. What is seen through, and what, then, is seen?

But con- servatives have taken it as evidence of the efficacy of neoliberal reform. Obfuscating the log- ics of power that worked as intended, the idiom of transparency has revealed the alleged Arabness of corruption in the public sphere. This episode thus shows that, although Brazilians of Middle Eastern descent have gained greater visibility, there are limits to their claims within the shifting hierarchical relations of ethnicity and the national state.

By engaging in liberal professions, midcen- tury ethnics made their historic entrance into municipal, state, and federal politics. So he attended to the biggest plantation owner of the area to the worst-off peas- ant of the area. God will pay you! Everyone consulted him. He would operate on everyone.

Having accumulated various debts from elites and masses as a gregarious medical patron, Curiati was approached by a political big shot in the early s. Asked to muster support for a candidate in the federal deputy elections, the Lebanese physician was ensured no fewer than two thousand votes. Within the same decade, Curiati decided to organize his own campaign for the state deputy chambers. He never looked back. In his thirty-year political career, alleged medical debts were transformed into political capital.

In the next thirty years, Maluf embarked on a career as a very resourceful—some would say sly—politician. At the time, President General Ernesto Geisel —80 passed him over in choosing the candidate of Arena, the political party of the dictatorship. Meanwhile, Maluf personally visited the majority of the eight hundred Arena delegates who would choose the party candidate. Like Maluf, Arabs were assured of success by making political connections in authoritarian Brazil.

Still, Maluf has garnered much support among those who identify with his brand of populism, malufismo. Detractors and followers alike say that Maluf rouba mas faz steals but gets things done. While Barros was characterized by the popular mantra, rouba mas faz, Quadros won the elec- tion based on his promise to varrer sweep out corruption.

In exchange for legislative deference to the mayor, city councilors were given the power to appoint directors of local administra- tive sub-units of the municipality called Regional Administrations, or ARs. In the cases investigated, handpicked cronies had bribed constituencies by bypassing or providing government laws or services. The kickbacks collected from different groups—namely, street vendors and commercial enterprises— had been then rerouted back to city councilors who voted in accordance with the mayor and rightist establishment.

Garib had a lot at stake. He had extracted bribes from street vendors in exchange for de facto permission to remain sta- tionary on sidewalks and streets. Only Izar and Garib had been ethnically marked by corruption in media headlines. The success of pro-establishment forces only accentuated media coverage. First held in , the Commemorative Day of Lebanese Independence was held again in , soon after the incumbent city councilor had won municipal elections.

Offered a glass of champagne by the deferential wait staff, I grasped a slender chalice deco- rated with the national symbol of Lebanon, the cedar tree. After the Lebanese and Brazilian national anthems were played, the mas- ter of ceremonies invited Councilwoman Athie to take the podium for the next ten minutes. Temer, who also belongs to the PMDB, smiled as his ethnic per- sona was extolled.

Athie next turned to admonish the senator from Rio Grande do Sul, Pedro Simon, a presidential hopeful in the elections. Only two were naturalized citizens, the majority being either filhos sons or netos grandsons of immigrants. The honorees seemed to have little contact with the homeland, but the acknowledgment lent authenticity to the political event itself. After all, ethnic elites were praised for their eco- nomic and political achievements not in the Lebanese homeland, but in Brazil.

The emphasis on the Lebanese presence in Brazil became more pro- nounced in the speeches of two federal congressmen at the end of the cere- mony. For his part, Senator Pedro Simon took the podium abdicated by the master of ceremonies. Using all of the eloquence and ardor for which he is notorious, Simon addressed the audience for more than ten minutes.

Temer, who was then the president of the Chamber of Deputies akin to the U. House of Representatives , was the last honored guest to be invited to the podium. Ethics and transparency were likewise emphasized in the elections. Satirized as the epit- ome of a PT cor-de-rosa pink-colored PT , the victorious mayoral candidate, Marta Suplicy, was a political newcomer though then married to a senator. Above all, Suplicy was assured success because of her peripheral status to the establishment and her appeal to bourgeois and working-class disillusionment with its corruption.

Baulo Baluf [sic]. Do I have some chance of being forgiven? The media, however, was not the sole source of criticism. Paulo, was relentless in his witty and sometimes cryptic discourse on the corruption of fellow turcos. Hanna Garib was mocked in equally creative ways. One turco leaves and another enters? Ha ha ha! Arnaldo Jabor, another well-known pundit who writes in the Folha de S. Paulo and makes brief appearances on the Globo television network,32 accen- tuated the alleged Arabness of corruption and the servile role of blackness.

In and , turcos gained visibility in a novel context. The allegedly inborn shrewdness of Brazilians of Middle Eastern descent shifted from econ- omy to politics. To be sure, some politicians of Middle Eastern descent were involved in nefarious political dealings.

Ultimately, however, it was their ethnic difference that was charged with corruption in the public sphere. These mass-mediated politics of turcos in Latin America, however, stand in contrast to the publicity surrounding Arab American politics in the United States. American domestic politics remains encompassed and marginalized in ways that mir- ror the Arab world in U.

American foreign policy. Associated with corruption in mainstream media, Middle Easterners had been subsequently depicted with righteous esteem in ethnic press coverage. Culling good relations with the editor-in-chief and sole owner of the paper, Athie had the event published in a full-page layout. Such endeavors to redeem the Arab name from shame, though, were not limited to ethnic and neighborhood newsprint. Also covering the Lebanese independence day event was the fourth-largest television network in Brazil, the Rede Bandeirantes.

Having invited his daugh- ter to accept the honor and award, Athie was able to arrange for mainstream television coverage. The prize is for this reason. They integrate themselves in Brazil. They identify themselves with Brazil. They adore Brazil. Stealing, appearing in the newspaper … with names in the newspaper associated with the scandal, with stealing.

Overwhelmed by the seeming preponderance of their brethren in the corrup- tion scandal, ordinary Middle Easterners were most disturbed at witnessing the name of the community dragged into the corruption scandal, notwith- standing the righteous expression of ethnic identity orchestrated by Myryam Athie in the Lebanese independence day celebration.

Politicians who supported the ethics investigation in the City Council employed similar language about Arabness and the kickback scheme. Whether liberal, business, or political elites, these descendants did not necessarily consider the publicity preconceitouso prejudiced or racista racist.

In contrast, for the majority of descendants, the scandal and its media coverage generated constrangimento strained discomfort. What about yours [your countrymen]? Instead of denouncing media reportage as racist, descendants reproached their political brethren for the ethical entanglement of the community in press coverage. Other citizens expressed sympathy and even pity for Myryam Athie, who was embroiled in the controversy as well.

Tacitly accepting Arabness as the embodiment of corruption, these lay citizens not only upheld the belief in racial democracy. During one of my meetings with a magazine editor, Ricardo, the director of an uptown Syrian club called on the telephone. Before being convicted on racketeering charges, Hanna Garib proposed, and sometimes passed, legislation with explic- itly ethnic ends. First, Garib was directly associated with corruption. Second, Athie secured the post of suplente substitute city councilor only in the municipal elections.

Any reference to Garib would have undermined her personal inter- ests as being the alleged leader of an event that promised positive media coverage. Yet this institutionalization of ethnicity was not peculiar to Athie or others mired in corruption proceedings.

As metaphors of local government, they acknowledged, accentuated, and aimed to attract ethnic constituencies. In and , a corruption scandal challenged the conservative establishment and ushered in the left-of-center administration of Marta Suplicy. Originally, it was used by early twentieth-century Brazilian elites to denigrate immigrants as economic pariahs. This generational strategy for upward mobility has continued in similar courses undertaken no exterior abroad; mostly to the United States.

Intrigued by the transformation, this chapter asks how Syrian—Lebanese ethnicity has been projected through market imagery and racial ideology. Through market mobility, Syrian—Lebanese have now appropriated the turco label using the nationalist language of racial democracy. While early seminal pieces viewed race as a result of economic structure Fernandes ; Harris , later work has tended to view race as the determining force in economic mobility Andrews ; Hanchard ; Twine Liberal professions were assumed to ensure greater nobility and material security at midcentury but have garnered increasingly lower prestige and salaries today.

In this context, upwardly and downwardly mobile profession- als of Middle Eastern descent have romanticized the past of peddling, includ- ing the label turco. This novel admiration of what had been considered low status has developed with the public representation of Syrian—Lebanese descendants as Horatio Algers rising from peddlers to doutores university graduates.

Turcos have been represented by themselves and others as doutores rising above commercial origins, numerically and publicly. Stressing the slight exis- tence, or nonexistence, of prejudice in liberal professions today, Middle East- erners have gained ethnic acknowledgment in what I consider to be the mar- ket remodeling of the nationalist ideology of racial democracy. Graduating from postsecondary institutions, medical doctors, lawyers, engineers, and others experienced an unprecedented opportunity for mobil- ity in a social order that historically inhibited it.

Although Middle Easterners had amassed material wealth, the attainment of a higher status was thought possible only by ensuring education for chil- dren. For many immigrant parents, a college degree was fundamental to the economic well-being and cultural enhancement of sons and daughters. Take for example the seventy-plus-year-old Sami.

The [Arab] immi- grant [wanted] his children to have strong roots, to have some kind of liberal profession, of nobility, of culture. Over half of a select number of Middle Eastern graduates from medical, law, and technical institutions until were the children of immigrant parents who worked in commerce or industry Truzzi —26, — Other ethnic groups—like the Jews and Japanese Lesser —like- wise sought greater legitimacy through a liberal professional strategy.

What distinguishes the Middle Eastern case, however, is the historical referent of commercialism. If he carried a trunk with his hand, he wanted his son to have a pen in his hand, right? Really, a diploma was fundamental. In the mid-twentieth century, however, college degrees and liberal profes- sions were basically limited to engineering, law, or medicine.

This random selection of a vocation was implied by the second generation Assad as well. It was then that I resolved to do law. It was like this that I convinced myself that I really should do law. Whether younger generations chose medicine, law, or engineering, it was the desire for distinction, and not only the profession, that fed their strate- gies of upward mobility. Assad was not alone.

In contrast to the small fraction of Middle Easterners who graduated from the law school throughout the s, 4. Twenty years later, in , the number had risen to 5. As recently as , the number of Middle Eastern names reached 7. By , the proportion of medical-school graduates with Middle Eastern names remained relatively stable at 6. Twenty years later, the average had decreased slightly to about 5.

This seems due to the fact that the majority of Mid- dle Easterners settled in the region. In law and medicine, the children of immi- grant merchants have joined the educated ranks of the city and nation. But the pursuit, possession, and practice of a university degree were rife with gender inequalities. Though enrolling in professional and postsecondary courses, women were discouraged from exercising their degree. Lena, a second- generation Lebanese woman in her late forties, recounted that her father had motivated her language studies in high school and college.

What am I not giving you that would make you want to work? In these cases, one or more siblings continued to operate family-run businesses, received income from renting vacated real-estate, or sold storefronts or prop- erties to establish professional practices. Today, he makes an upper-middle-class living in civil construction. The property owned by his father who worked in textile wholesal- ing is now rented out.

Its earnings supplement the income of his sister, who works as a teacher as well. In a different vein, two brothers in the Ghantous family were sent to law school in the s by their father, who had attained success in the textile market. The distinct trajectories of these three families indicate not only the man- ifold accumulation strategies available to second generations, but also the con- tinued relevance of ethnicity.

In this scenario, whites were cast in the role of benevolent, if occasionally sadistic, patrons, while brown and black subjects were positioned as intermediaries and subordinates. Conceived at a time when patronage in the plantation economy intersected with the meritocracy of the urban industrial market Owensby , the nationalist ideology of racial democracy reinforced the status quo of race in midcentury Brazil.

Middle Eastern immigrants were absent in this racial patronage system of the Freyrian mythic past. Yet these so-called turcos responded in equivocal ways. As a proud second-generation Lebanese who wrote about Lebanon and the Lebanese in Brazil in , Jorge Bastani understood turco as a mere misnomer: The Lebanese who emigrated were carriers of a passport issued by Turk- ish authorities.

He started to make a little bit of money and turned into a Syrian. When he became a millionaire of high society, he turned into a Lebanese. Liberal professional status was viewed by Middle Eastern descendants as granting the material and symbolic power necessary to raise Arab ethnicity above its lowly place in Brazil.

But these second-generation Syrian—Lebanese found them- selves categorized as turcos Greiber et al. The nuns themselves were really stupid [and] tormented us a lot. At that time, we were really disdained. Who came educated? Enrolled in elite schools, Middle East- ern youth were made aware of the alleged inferiority of their ethnic difference in the mid-twentieth century. Bastani —64 recounted one such occurrence involving an immigrant Lebanese father and his son from the state of Minas Gerais.

Viewed as turcos, Syrian—Lebanese have remembered past white-collar prejudice. Bussamara Neme, for instance, reached the rank of associate professor in the s but was forced to wait nearly twenty years before the competition was opened for the post of full professor.

American transna- tional groups. So you are going to earn a lot less because HMOs pay little. In this way, the material rewards thought to be easily obtained with liberal professional status have been undermined by the neoliberalizing economy in Brazil. In these circumstances, well-to-do practitioners stressed the importance of distinction in making a good living. Not incidentally, both Dr. Arap and Dr. Younes have partaken in residency programs and conferences no exterior abroad. Arap is a renowned spe- cialist in urology, born in Brazil to immigrant Syrian parents who supported his early studies abroad.

It did just that. Arap became a full professor at USP and now heads the urology depart- ment at a local hospital. Similarly, Dr. Younes explained that after attaining his medical degree from the USP College of Medicine, he joined a specialized can- cer treatment center in New York City as a resident physician for two years. In his youth, Dr. As his father earned a middle-class income as a mathematics teacher, Dr.

Younes excelled in postsecondary studies. Like Dr. Arap, Dr. Attending annual con- ferences around the world, both Dr. Younes recognized the insti- tution where I was enrolled as a Ph. Liberal professionals have become increasingly worldly. Countless other twenty-somethings mentioned simi- lar intentions. In addition, parents looked into cultural-exchange programs for high-school youth. Whether earning a degree, or learning En- glish, the need to journey abroad was not unique to Middle Easterners but demanded by the Brazilian market.

What distinguishes the case at hand is the fact that descendants have memo- rialized the peddling past of the immigrant generation. The physician Samoel speaks ten languages and has attended medical courses and conferences throughout the world. Miriam, a Syrian Italian psychologist in her late twenties, provides a telling case in point. Having excelled in her undergradu- ate studies in psychology at USP, she was awarded a Brazilian state-funded scholarship to enroll in a specialization course in England.

At the time, Miriam explained, she and her parents thought it would provide a more stable means of income. But the pay, she recalled, hardly covered her middle-class monthly expenses. In claiming an experience of downward mobility, she tacitly articulated nostalgia for the ethnic past of commerce in the present-day mar- ket.

This suggests that even when descendants have not reached the upper mid- dle classes, they have made sense of market mobility in terms of the Syrian— Lebanese memory of commerce. The children of upwardly mobile families were not alone in their percep- tion of the greater material insecurity of university educations and liberal professions. Interviewed in , a Lebanese parent expressed disenchant- ment with the value of a college diploma: My dream, like the dream of every Lebanese … is a dream I have that is today out of the question.

Cited in Greiber et al. I arrived in this country in And today I have that store, that store, and that store. My son, he was born with a golden spoon in his mouth. I put him in the best schools, and in the best colleges, and when he got married, I had to buy the apartment for him to live in. When he needed a car, I went to buy a car.

Such a dire perspective, however, contrasts with recent generational advances in three families mentioned in the beginning of this chapter. At the time, I was interested in looking at the membership roster, and my original intention in speaking with Pedro was to inquire into the possibility of gaining access to it. Well, Jatene was full professor.

If you were to get the entire faculty, I think that a third of the faculty—and we are not a third of the population—a third are descendants of Arabs, full professors. In fact, Middle Eastern descendants do represent roughly one-third of the total number of faculty members in the College of Medicine. More important, though, Dr. Younes had expressed a sharp awareness of it.

If you take the sector of popu- lar music. If you take Fagner. Fagner says that he learned a lot about singing with Arab songs. If you take the spaces of theater, the best direc- tors in Brazil are Arabs. Of course, this sort of ethnic promotion is characteristic of other groups as well. What distinguishes the case at hand, however, is the fact that claims to upward Syrian—Lebanese mobility reference the ethnic past of peddling.

It was written by the well-known Dr. Carlos da Silva Lacaz, who has published other volumes on Brazilian medicine see Lacaz In writing about successful physicians today, peddling is romanticized and celebrated as an ethnic origin myth.

Middle Eastern mobility was also represented in the October 4, edi- tion of the newsweekly Veja. They stayed, worked hard, invested in the education of their children. They brought up generations of doutores educated professionals and a tradition of participation in poli- tics. Middle Eastern names today are encountered in commerce and industry, as well as in politics and medicine. Some do not use the Arab last name, but no one denies his [or her] origins. What the article does not mention, however, is how white-collar Arabs con- tinue to be viewed as possessing innate business acumen, the essential marker of being turco.

This representation manifested itself in the television appear- ance of Dr. Younes, who is a renowned cancer specialist in Brazil and the world. Younes was dressed in an elegant suit, wearing a smile that is a mark of his well-known personable nature. Younes explained that there are per- centile norms that oblige the medical practitioner to let a certain amount of liquid drain from the lungs after surgery. Based on his own experience, Dr. Yes, I am. Taking the brincadeira joke one step further, Dr.

Although Arab Brazil- ians have long since entered liberal professions with cosmopolitan back- grounds, the image of the commercially astute Turk remains quite popular in the Brazilian public sphere. At the beginning of the interview, I introduced myself as a Ph. You have the blood, the Arab blood! The article, written by a noted public intellectual, stated that Brazil, where the myth of racial democracy has been hidden by statistics, tem con- tas a prestar [lit.

The labor market is proof of the size of the inequality. The black man, [reais]. Statistical representations of the inequalities between whites and blacks in the labor market have served as the gauge with which to measure racial democ- racy—or, more precisely, its absence—in contemporary Brazil.

So immigrants had Turkish passports and were called turcos. No, not anymore. Today, I think that you call someone turco in a caring manner [maneira carinhosa]. Such emphasis on the affectionate or caring character of a once marginalizing ethnonym also points to the continued power of racial democracy in a decid- edly ethnic way. I did not understand this at the time as I thought I could remove myself from this operation without such consequences.

Kiwan has told Sarawak Report. Shortly after the rupture he says he became the target of state backed persecution mounted by the Al Sabah family, which he believes was orchestrated as a revenge by Jho Low. He and fellow directors were prosecuted on numerous trumped up charges relating to alleged offences against Sheikh Sabah resulting in prison sentences totalling 32 years.

Free but still fighting and preparing to bring criminal complaints against Najib and Jho Low in Malaysia. Following torture and solitary confinement Bachar Kiwan succeeded in escaping Kuwait and has resisted Red Notice attempts to extradite him back from Europe on the grounds of political persecution. However, three fellow directors remain in jail. It was at this point that records show that operations switched to separate companies controlled by Al Sabah, although they were still managed through accounts at the same ICBC Bank branch newly opened in Kuwait.

Bachar Kiwan believes that it was at this point that Jho Low installed his trusted Kuwaiti confidant Hamad Ali Al Wazzan to act as his business proxy to manage these money laundering operations through the new companies owned by Sheikh Sabah. According to the documentation, which the Kuwait money laundering authority passed only to the Kuwait Ministry of the Interior owing to the political sensitivity of the matter, two further companies owned by Sheikh Sabah were involved in suspicious transactions involving Malaysia.

One of these companies identified was Al Asbah International General Trading, incorporated in Kuwait 20th June with Sheikh Sabah as the only shareholder and a capital of a thousand dinars. This is not consistent with the capital of the company which is 1, KD. The reason given to the bank was for buying shares.

At the time the Malaysian prime minister was desperately trying to meet debt repayments due by the fund from which billions had already been looted. The details from Kuwait appear to provide damning evidence confirming the suspicions about massive Chinese kickbacks for inflated projects. The amount is not consistent with the capital of 1, KD and there is no proof of any commercial activities for such amounts. For example:. This contract was between El M was for the purpose of selling the goods.

They said they would take legal measures against Midas but we have no proof there was any action. The record of the company showed more big transfers done with the same business modus operandi of the contract being terminated. The reason of the transfer is to fulfil obligations with suppliers. The money returned to Al Mouniratyen on 3 rd Jan and on the document it said the contract was cancelled and this was the reason for the return of the money. This amount came back to the account on 20 th March and 2 nd April.

RONGQIAO INVESTMENTS PORTUGAL HOLIDAYS

Younes had expressed a sharp awareness of it. If you take the sector of popu- lar music. If you take Fagner. Fagner says that he learned a lot about singing with Arab songs. If you take the spaces of theater, the best direc- tors in Brazil are Arabs. Of course, this sort of ethnic promotion is characteristic of other groups as well. What distinguishes the case at hand, however, is the fact that claims to upward Syrian—Lebanese mobility reference the ethnic past of peddling.

It was written by the well-known Dr. Carlos da Silva Lacaz, who has published other volumes on Brazilian medicine see Lacaz In writing about successful physicians today, peddling is romanticized and celebrated as an ethnic origin myth. Middle Eastern mobility was also represented in the October 4, edi- tion of the newsweekly Veja.

They stayed, worked hard, invested in the education of their children. They brought up generations of doutores educated professionals and a tradition of participation in poli- tics. Middle Eastern names today are encountered in commerce and industry, as well as in politics and medicine.

Some do not use the Arab last name, but no one denies his [or her] origins. What the article does not mention, however, is how white-collar Arabs con- tinue to be viewed as possessing innate business acumen, the essential marker of being turco. This representation manifested itself in the television appear- ance of Dr.

Younes, who is a renowned cancer specialist in Brazil and the world. Younes was dressed in an elegant suit, wearing a smile that is a mark of his well-known personable nature. Younes explained that there are per- centile norms that oblige the medical practitioner to let a certain amount of liquid drain from the lungs after surgery.

Based on his own experience, Dr. Yes, I am. Taking the brincadeira joke one step further, Dr. Although Arab Brazil- ians have long since entered liberal professions with cosmopolitan back- grounds, the image of the commercially astute Turk remains quite popular in the Brazilian public sphere.

At the beginning of the interview, I introduced myself as a Ph. You have the blood, the Arab blood! The article, written by a noted public intellectual, stated that Brazil, where the myth of racial democracy has been hidden by statistics, tem con- tas a prestar [lit. The labor market is proof of the size of the inequality.

The black man, [reais]. Statistical representations of the inequalities between whites and blacks in the labor market have served as the gauge with which to measure racial democ- racy—or, more precisely, its absence—in contemporary Brazil. So immigrants had Turkish passports and were called turcos. No, not anymore. Today, I think that you call someone turco in a caring manner [maneira carinhosa].

Such emphasis on the affectionate or caring character of a once marginalizing ethnonym also points to the continued power of racial democracy in a decid- edly ethnic way. Rising from a medical student to a full professor at USP with much experience abroad , this Lebanese Sunni Muslim medical doctor emphasized the absence of any ethnic- or religious-based discrimination in his biography of upward mobility. Having taken their place among the liberal professional classes, Arab Brazilians such as Dr.

Indeed, Arab professionals have generally stressed the nondiscriminatory character of the turco category. It is not prejudicial. It is percent caring. This ostensible nondiscriminatory meaning of turco has not been an easy matter for me. Given the U. American history of prejudice and racism, the many ver- bal ways of deriding Arabness had been my main point of reference.

Indeed, almost all studies of Arab Americans make some mention of such discrimi- nation in the United States e. But all too aware of my U. Take, for instance, Fuad, a well-to-do mer- chant whose children work in liberal professions. In response to my question about the meaning of turco, Fuad responded: It depends on how you use it.

And you can be rich and not get annoyed. Everything good? Been a long time. So, turco has two meanings—one that offends and one that privileges. But this situational meaning of the term was especially downplayed in relation to liberal professionalism. Our children are brilliant and are our pride.

While market imagery has been often used to challenge the so-called myth of racial democracy, it has also been employed by turcos to privilege their place today in this remodeled nationalist hierarchy. Tellingly, the turco ethnonym has been appropriated by Arabs themselves.

Oh, turquinho [little Turk]! Come here! But we ourselves, descendants of Arabs, Syrians, and Lebanese, esculhambamos [messed with] the term. With this, the term was made banal. We made it a joke. How are you? All right? All right, querido? He…makes it banal. He transforms ran- cor into a joke.

And he destroys any rancor. He destroys any animosity. As was shown in Chapters 1 and 2, some Middle Eastern mer- chants and politicians have experienced discrimination. Whether used by street vendors in downtown environs or by journalists in the coverage of a cor- ruption case, the turco category can carry a negative or positive meaning depending on the given context.

Generally, however, liberal professionals who sought to legitimate the ethnonym on their own terms denied this situational variation. It has also helped to shield others from reliv- ing the past. Jesting commentary about Arabs and their innate commercial propensity is no longer solely indicative of an externally imposed, marginal place in the nation.

Often expressed in terms of marriage practices, this religious differentia- tion in Syrian—Lebanese ethnicity historically has taken shape through two national paradigms of immigration policy in Brazil: race mixture until the late s and economic productivity from onward. In the earlier model, mostly Christian Syrian—Lebanese were devalued for their apparent endogamy or in-group marriage.

In contrast, the current policy has recognized and sup- ported mostly Muslim Lebanese who engage in the same marriage practices. My sense is that the fundamental change that has taken place across Syrian—Lebanese generations in the twentieth century is not necessarily the ostensible increase of exogamy out-group marriage but, rather, the national context in which ethnic claims about marriage have been made, questioned, and validated.

They were not alone. The anthro- pologist Judith Williams also observed migrants from Brazil who sought wives from their mountainous Lebanese villages Williams 98, Arab community intellectuals were well aware of this matrimonial migra- tion Duoun ; Kurban ; Jamil Safady a; Wadih Safady She found that twenty-six of the ninety-four couples surveyed This diasporic arrangement of endogamy, specif- ically between immigrant men and second-generation women, would remain prevalent through the post—World War II period in Brazil.

Such marriages were not limited to intellectual musings. Likewise, in my research, many second-generation middle-aged women explained that female cohorts in their age range differentiated between male suitors born in Brazil, called nacional national , and in the Middle East, dubbed importado imported.

These play- ful labels, however, belie how little freedom Arab women exercised in marital choice. Wlademir, a second-generation Lebanese, explained that he and others rarely differentiated between Syrians and Lebanese because of a common religious background. He stressed that many families from Syria and Lebanon were Or- thodox Christians, frequenting the same social circles and courting one another. The designation was not only a creative marker of identity, as Jeffrey Lesser has noted 42 ; it also carried an implicit religious valence, consummated in marriage.

Yet this Middle Eastern preservation of Orthodox Christian religiosity enveloped and almost effaced Muslim religious difference. He did not mention, however, whether these women were Middle East- ern or native Brazilian. Their three children married not Muslim but Christian Lebanese and frequented not mosques but churches. Aware of the Christian difference of Middle Eastern immigrants, early twentieth-century Brazilian observers wrongly depicted them as refugees from a putatively fanatical Muslim Arab world.

Lesser has shown how this Brazilian aversion to Muslim difference became manifest when a Christian group from Iraq, the Assyrians, tried to migrate in the early s Lesser Although the Assyrian resettlement plan ultimately failed, this exchange suggests that, while Christian Arabs may have been welcomed, those perceived as Muslim had no place in the early twen- tieth-century Brazilian nation.

In much of the twentieth century, immigration policy served to whiten the Brazilian nation. The place of immi- grants of European origin was thus confirmed in the workplace and the bedroom, laboring and whitening the Brazilian nation. Yet, others perceived as non-white—such as Japanese, Jews, and Middle Easterners—remained an ongoing concern for state bureaucrats and intellec- tuals. The nationalist ideology of racial mixture, in this light, served as the entry point for both European and non-European immi- grants.

Knowlton found that there were Brazilian intellectual and state authorities, however, feared that Middle Eastern men were marrying in their countries of origin or with Brazilian-born Arab women. In earlier works, statistics on Middle Eastern endogamy hovered around 50 percent Ellis —, Viana — Lesser has observed that the same statistics were used to justify both sides of the polem- ical debate.

The bone of contention, however, concerned not statistics per se but the categories underlying them. Amid inadequate statistical repre- sentations, Brazilian national elites voiced fears that a quisto could be form- ing in the national body Fausto Such quantitative imagery contributed to the debate on Middle Eastern miscegenation. Arab marriage practices constituted a matter of nationalist preoccupation.

In Brasil: Terra de con- trastes , Roger Bastide took brief note of how traditional Brazilian fam- ilies disdained Syrian—Lebanese men who stemmed from humble origins: The traditional Brazilian family looks with a certain disdain at those tur- cos, as these immigrants are called still today. In the novel, one of the characters, seu Nacib Mister Nacib , falls in love with the protagonist Gabriela, a metaphor for the Brazilian nationalist ideology of mixture.

Nacib becomes so enamored of the cinnamon-skin-colored woman that he asks for her hand in marriage. The couple wed in a civil ceremony. Stemming from a poor mulata family, Gabriela is not viewed as a suitable wife for the upwardly mobile Nacib. This Brazilian domestication of Arab masculinity contrasts with the U. He is portrayed as comical and bawdy. Although he steers clear of marriage with U. American women, Hakem ceaselessly seeks to seduce them and is shunned by local townspeople for doing so.

American narrative. In this light, Nacib is sexualized in an ethnically dominant position and Hakem in an ethnically subordinate one within the nation. In compensation for services, Brazilian women working in cabarets receive boxes of rice powder, bottles of perfumed water, low- interest loans, and, in rare cases, metal rings with glass stones and other fake jewelry.

In this macho cast, the Middle Eastern commercial essence is extolled in late twentieth-century Brazil. The theme of Arab virility was not lost on Christian Middle Easterners. Our race is hot, and the Brazilian women like it. Pointing to the residence request of a Lebanese migrant whose case folder was sitting on his desk, Felipe explained that the majority of Middle Eastern immigrants today come from southern Lebanon.

Another major change, he explained, is their religion: Though mostly Christians came in the past, Muslim Lebanese over- whelmingly immigrate today. Like the nationalist ideology of mixture, state immigration policy privi- leges masculinity. This indicates that the state has had a direct hand in the containment of Middle Eastern women by family regimes and that masculinity has continued as the dominant basis for mixed and diasporic for- mations of Arab ethnicity.

Upheld by both nationalist ideology and state pol- icy, the ethnic project for Middle Eastern family reproduction has been forged through male dominance. Whether in mixed or diasporic family ideals, men have dominated the contours of Arab ethnicity in contemporary Brazil. In terms of endogamy, I found that immigrant Christian men have been more likely to wed second-generation Christian women, while immigrant Muslim men have tended to marry immi- grant Muslim women.

Seven of twelve immigrant Christian men wed second- generation women, and four of seven immigrant Muslim men married immigrant Muslim women. Similarly, second-generation Christian men have been more likely to marry second-generation co-religionists, while second-generation Muslim men have tended to wed immigrant co-religionists.

In exogamy, I found that among immigrants and in the second generation, Christian men have been more likely to marry non-Arab women of European origins than have Muslim men. Frequenting the same club, the same bar … you end up having a different relationship that will result in marriage. Fernando, like many of his Christian counterparts, stressed that marriages between Syrian and Lebanese descendants have arisen out of frequenting the same social spaces. There is an inter-linkage between them.

As mentioned earlier, a significant number of Christian Middle Eastern men married non-Arab Brazilian women. Ignoring the issue of race, several Christian interviewees articulated a cul- turalist identification when speaking of Arab and Italian intermarriage in Brazil. They like music and dance. Arabs are talkative, as well. A mixed ethnicity seems to be developing in such marriages between Christian Middle Eastern men and women of European origins. Several mixed and diasporic fam- ilies were present.

You are a Lebanese descendant, too. Forging a familial project in the model of mixture, Christian Arabs attempt to remain atop a shifting ethnic hierarchy in the nation. Although they did not adopt the language of mixture, interviewees lay stress on their nondiscriminatory motives. It is not a question of thinking that Brazilians are inferior.

It is only a differentiation. A second-generation Druze Lebanese, Adnan, similarly explained that, although co-religionists are obliged to marry one another, they are not racist because Druze do not proselytize or convert outsiders into the religion. Most important, Muslim Arabs, such as Hassan, have spoken of their endogamy in terms of cultural maintenance. Hassan, a second-generation Sunni Muslim, met his wife on vacation in Lebanon in the early s.

Is this wrong? The conjugal history of Adnan, a second-generation Druze Lebanese man in his thirties, is illustrative. While visiting Lebanon in the s, Adnan married a Druze woman. But as I stated earlier, a small percentage of their co- religionists have wed non-Arab women three of sixteen.

In contrast to their Christian brethren in mixed marriages, though, Muslim Middle Eastern men have put emphasis on how their non-Arab wives of European origins learn Arab culture and language. Of course, the world of non-Arab women who marry Muslim Middle Easterners is more complicated than such blanket statements suggest. It is the gendered pol- itics of cultural preservation, however, that lies at the heart of such friction.

Respected as newfound guardians of Arab culture, non-Arab women can take over a role once relegated to and shoul- dered by Middle Eastern women. In this practice of exogamy, Arab ethnicity has gained greater emphasis in ways that potentially make irrelevant Arab women themselves. No one, however, is more shook up than Albieri Juca de Oliveira , a geneticist and the godfather of the twins.

She falls instantly in love with Lucas during a chance meet- ing, and they become sexually involved in subsequent rendezvous through- out Fez. Mus- lims do not have anything against sexuality. Hav- ing immigrated with Latiffa to Rio de Janeiro, Mohammed would likewise plan the endogamous engagements of his two children nearly twenty years later.

In focusing on the transgressions of one Muslim Arab woman, The Clone subtextually represented Muslim Arab family regimes run by men that defend allegedly Islamic rules of marriage and sexuality. Although it gave more visibility to Islam in a historically dominant Christian community, the soap opera presented Muslims as clones of the Orientalist imagination, as cri- tiqued by Edward Said The Muslim parents that I know … do not motivate their children to study, be they men or women … the men because they have the family business to keep going, and the girls because they are only prepared for marriage inside the community.

Increased ethno-religious visibility thus does not necessarily mean the reduc- tion of prejudice or discrimination. Such assumptions of alleged Muslim isolationism arose during a family gathering of Bassam, an Orthodox Christian who left Lebanon in the s. After their divorce in the early s, he was happily remarried to a third-generation Italian woman, whose several relatives were present at the soiree.

After I men- tioned my research interests, the conversation turned to the history of Lebanese and Italians in Brazil. After a few more barbecue skewers and whiskies, Marcos and Samir began to speak about the changing religious com- position of the Lebanese community. What made matters worse was that the brother was found drunk with two girls in the car. Although it was not overtly expressed, the moral of the story seemed to be that Muslims who do not mix in Brazil lead lives that end in tragedy.

Abdel, Adnan, and Hassan assumed that Christian Middle Easterners have integrated with Brazilians socially and through marriage because of a shared religious background. However, they also reflected that such mixture has diminished Arabness. Since descendants learn of the Arab world only through the sectarian lens of their Christian forebears, Nadia concluded, they end up discriminating the most against Muslims.

Although Muslim Arabs have gained greater visibility today, they continue to be subordinated in relation to historically dominant Christian Arabs. In earlier times, Arab ethnicity was homogenized and questioned in Brazilian nation-making. In the late twentieth century, however, Christian Arabs situated themselves within the ideology of mixture and spoke of their endogamy in the nationalist language of integration. In these hybrid leisure circles, though, socialites of Syrian—Lebanese origin have emphasized Middle Eastern culturalist styles of food, dance, and music that have been popularized in the increasingly diverse Brazilian market.

Middle Eastern cultural forms were marginal- ized in the earlier paradigm but have gained popularity in the current moment. Deemed to be unappetizing, raucous, or exotic by past Brazilian pundits, food, music, and dance with an Arab appeal have been now marketed to those with highbrow and lowbrow tastes.

My contention is that Middle Eastern country club directors and members have gained symbolic power in this context and converted it into social capital among non-Arab Brazilian elites. Later work on the same cultural staples has put stress on the ostensible authors, especially their resistance to or contestation of the mean- ings of the appropriated cultural forms Browning ; Guillermoprieto ; Sheriff In the late twentieth century, Middle Eastern culinary, music, and dance forms have been appropriated by the Brazilian national market.

In this milieu, Brazilians of Middle Eastern descent have made claims to more authentic forms of cuisine and dance in their community-owned clubs, despite contracting restaurant staffs and professional dancers from the mainstream market. A second-generation Syrian medical doctor, Dr. Immigrant families from the city of Homs in western Syria , for instance, formed Club Homs in In the early twentieth century, nationalist ideologies in the Middle East shaped the boundaries of Middle Eastern leisure spaces in Brazil.

Long live the champion! Fomenting such resentment was the greater purchasing power of immigrant families, which allowed them to afford cars, real estate, and, most of all, leisure spaces that rivaled the clubs of the traditional aristocracy. Or would you prefer kibe? Or would you want a bit of raw kibe? Or would you like kibe with labne? The stuffed grape leaves are excellent! Choose, man! Popular lore also serves up mouthfuls of the seemingly foreign culinary practices of turcos.

Numerous middle-aged to elderly Middle Eastern profes- sionals recounted that turcos who peddled across the hinterlands were often viewed by Brazilian landowners and peasants as cannibals whose favorite dish was children. Since the consump- tion of raw meat was unknown by most in the country at that time though it is less so today , Brazilians mistakenly assumed that the meat was human, not lamb or beef.

In related ways, the exotic character of Middle Eastern music and dance also attracted journalistic scrutiny. I see a belly and a bellybutton dancing in this music. There are swaying bellies and bellybuttons in all the doorways in step with the gramophones. As we shall see later, however, these once alien cultural expressions have been transformed into familiar cultural staples in contemporary Brazil.

A membership title there costs about twelve thou- sand reais, plus monthly fees in the range of two hundred reais. Because these clubs serve upper-middle-class families, member- ship titles are granted only if they are accompanied by letters of reference from at least two members. Non-whites rarely frequent such spaces.

This is an Arab club! Especially in the ACESC-sponsored competitions mentioned earlier, only kind words have been exchanged between Arab and Jewish bourgeoisie. Most tellingly, these country clubs have been generally frequented by families of more modest middle-class backgrounds. Since relatively fewer descendants attend such clubs today, however, the executive directors of sev- eral of them have tried to institute a social calendar that appeals to younger generations and a wider audience.

But this arabesque extends beyond Brazil. Since , the company has opened dozens of restaurants in Mexico City and set its sights on the U. American market. Alberto Saraiva, intended to open restaurants in Florida and California in American public.

The contemporary Brazilian market offers not only Arab fast-food chains but also numerous middle- and highbrow restaurants. Only three or four have operated for more than twenty years. Samir, who runs the elegant restau- rant Folha de Uva near Avenida Paulista, was well aware of this growing con- centration. So from then until now, there has been a very large increase in the number of restaurants. Forty years later, in , however, labor distributed in agriculture plummeted to 23 percent; industry reached 23 percent; and the service sector overtook them both, at 54 percent.

Equally telling has been the sectoral distribution of the gross domestic product GDP. From to , agriculture fell from 11 percent to 9 percent of the GDP; industry also declined, from 41 percent to 34 percent.

But the service sector increased from 49 percent to 57 percent of GDP. This newfound currency of Arab cuisine has been made especially apparent in the food columns of mainstream newspapers. Middle Eastern music and dance forms have also become very popular in Brazil, especially since the soap opera The Clone aired in — Its tele- vised images of Arab women and men helped touch off a consumption frenzy involving belly dancing classes, supplies, and music.

At these events, the partygoers—Arab men, some Arab women, and many non-Arab women— come together in the Lebanese folk dance, dabke. During interludes, Middle Eastern pop music and European techno rhythms are blasted. Because of this, Brazilians are giving more respect to these cultures that are so different, like that of the Arabs. Among the dozens of executives, politicians, medical doctors, and lawyers at gatherings, I have met upwardly mobile professionals ready to make introductions and, perhaps, exchange business cards.

Other Middle Easterners have expressed annoyance with the invidious comparison in the club circuit. I dine at the club. I eat lunch at the club. Ethnics are not alone in differentiating and debating the exclusive char- acter imputed to their community-owned entities. Women are dressed with too much jewelry, and the general public is not well received by Arabs who, in a certain way, discriminate against Brazil- ians. What family are you from? Countering the claims of authenticity staked by ethnics themselves, these reproaches of Middle Eastern leisure circles have been cast in terms of the con- sumptive markers of class.

While Iskander, Sarkis, Samir, and others expressed disillusionment with lofty com- munity standards, they made sure not to miss ethnic events that attracted famous individuals from the Arab community and Brazilian high society. Despite frequent criticisms, ethnic leisure affairs have provided the opportunity for liberal and business professionals to make connections with both ethnic and national elites.

Social capital that is potentially generated in business-card exchanges has been secured with more ease during dinner engagements, especially those with Middle Eastern cuisine. Alberto explained that the ethnic dinner was buffet-style, and we could begin whenever we wished. Daniela mentioned her agroindustrial enterprise in a town just outside the capital, adding that the alcachofras arti- chokes on which we would be dining were supplied by her business.

Offering details about the land purchased and the build- ing permits obtained, guest and club director expressed excitement about the potential success of their economic undertaking. At the time, I was preoccupied with the exquisite meal about to be consumed, so I initially understood this exchange as mere coincidence or small talk.

Such material plans, however, were not the major topic of conversation that night. However, he suggested that we start with meza appetizers, in Lebanese Arabic before moving on to the main dish. Claiming the most authentic Arabisms in a national market full of them, socialites converted the symbolic power of ethnic cuisine into social capital among the ranks of high society.

Men would come together, munch on Syrian—Lebanese foods, play a folk drum called the derbake, sing old tunes, and dance the dabke. Today, the consumption of Middle Eastern cuisine has a more institutional character, complete with pricey tickets twenty to fifty reais per person , arranged dates from weekly to bimonthly , and novel material ties to upscale Syrian—Lebanese restaurants in the national market.

It had to be one of the race to prepare these delicacies. Informal agreements have been customarily made between female dance pro- fessionals and Arab male club directors. Ethnic and national interlinkages have informed other activities in the clubs as well. Whether making stomach undulations or guttural sounds, teach- ers in these settings have also used their skills in administering courses for pay- ing students in the outside market.

Having been invited to Clube Marjeyoun, named after a small village in southern Lebanon, I found myself enveloped by a family and festive environ- ment. The partygoers ranged in age from their twenties to about seventy, although most were forty-something. As everyone sat down at the more than twenty elegantly decorated tables, there was a solemn moment to pay tribute and award a plaque to a long-time club member. Table by table, people served themselves in a buffet line and returned to their seats.

Within the next ten minutes, four non-Arab belly dancers swayed into the salon. This seemed to be welcomed mostly by men, but also by some women. After a round of the dabke dance circle, another well-known, older male singer with an extravagant moustache appeared.

Like many other second- and third-generation members in the audience, I did not catch the full message enunciated in formal, not popular, Arabic. This was met by applause and shouts from the audience. Sitting next to me, the father of my friend—an elderly immigrant from Marjeyoun—tried to wipe the tears from his eyes with his wrinkled hands before anyone noticed.

His daughter and son saw and soon embraced him. It was saudade longing for the homeland, for its mountains and newfound liberty. Yet during my weekly visits, the room was always kept locked. Arabness, in this case, has been marked for public recognition and as extraneous for private consumption. Language and dance classes have been opened to the public at large to attract non-members and non-Arabs who want to learn about Arab culture.

It was a country much more modern in terms of Westernized beauty [belezas ocidental- izadas]. The Syrian maintains more of that closed posture. Internally in Brazil, this differentiation between the Syrian and the Lebanese really exists. When I told a Lebanese family friend who is a naturalized Brazilian citizen that I had enrolled in Arabic-language classes, he responded that I must exercise caution when choosing the teacher and course.

In fact, a few students were able to take classes only because their fathers thought they were involved in other activities. But there has to be a dancer. Once indicative of the peripheral place of Arabs in the Brazilian nation, Middle Eastern food and dance have become popular among elites and masses. This national appropriation, however, has been felt as hav- ing had a positive impact on Arab ethnicity in Brazil.

Claim- ing an authentic Arab culture in the national market, socialites have converted the symbolic power of ethnic commodities into social capital within the upper echelons of the Brazilian nation. While consuming Middle Eastern staples, eth- nic and national connoisseurs have made potentially lucrative social connec- tions.

In fact, Middle East- ern tourist packages have been familiar features in Brazilian newspaper travel columns since During such trips, though, they have toured sites of past bloodshed perpetrated by the Israeli military in Syria and Lebanon. Targeted by airlines and travel agencies, as well as by the Syrian and Lebanese states, Brazilians of Syrian—Lebanese descent have gained greater acknowledgment as a market niche for homeland tourism.

Second- and third- generation Arab Brazilians have partaken of homeland tourism because of a deeply felt familial connection with Syria and Lebanon. Consonantly, Arab state powers have counted on the travel practices of second- and third-generation descendants to reinvigorate national tourist industries.

The sites of Israeli violence profoundly affected Syrian— Lebanese descendants, only some of whom internalized anti-Zionism. I went to know where my parents came from. I mean, beyond beauty, it was really moving. Never have I seen the same in my life. And I got really overcome with emotion. Traveling to an ancestral village in Lebanon inspired a unique sense of belonging. I visited more places. The experi- ence of ancestral villages, distant relatives, and tourist sites thus overlapped in heritage tourism.

This dual agenda to discover origins and see new places has been linked into homeland tourist programs. Lebanese state authorities and tourist agen- cies offer excursions not only to archaeological sites but also to villages of emigrant ancestors.

After buying ice cream and gifts, the two youths set out for the nearby village of their emigrant grand- parents, Marjeyoun. Accompanied by a ministerial employee, one Lebanese Brazilian, Carlos, was taken to the house of the only living brother of his migrant grandfather. After embraces were exchanged between emigrant nephew and paternal great-uncle, stories were shared between two family sides that had lost contact for nearly forty years.

I said no. Here in Brazil, I am a king. I can buy a car and go out to the cinema. With their livelihoods and lifestyles tied to the Brazilian market, Arab Brazilians have chosen only temporarily to travel to the Middle East. Class and family composition are thus important factors.

Tourists stem from middle and upper classes. In some cases, wives and children spend win- ter vacation July in Lebanon while husbands remain working in Brazil. In other cases, college students travel without parents in guided tours. In a few instances, an entire family travels together. Yet, in characterizing themselves, Arab Brazilians lay stress on religious difference. Four travel agents who sell tickets to the Middle East, in fact, stressed that most of their clients are Muslim.

Although some colleagues explained that this is due to the fact that Muslims have a deeper connection to Arabness, others viewed this religious distinction in historical terms. In contrast, Muslims who immigrated in the second half of the twentieth century have had an easier time visiting Lebanon annu- ally or biennially because of cheaper and faster transportation.

So-named Arab and Jewish conviviality also had to do with the similar ways that Arabs and Jews were constructed as ethnics by the Brazilian nation. Having undergone common experiences of mar- ginalization, Arabs and Jews developed interrelationships in the liminal space of the early twentieth-century Brazilian economy. Even today, Arab Brazilian liberal professionals recurrently acknowledge friendships with Jewish counterparts.

It is this nationalist idea that came to challenge the anti-Zionism emitted in homeland tourism. Major airlines have traditionally pushed ticket sales through tourism operators such as Stella Barros, Soletur, and Agaxtour. Airline companies and tourism operators have also culled personalistic ties with small privately owned travel agencies.

Airline enterprises, explained the Alitalia manager, seek to develop relations with these and other kinds of agencies. Such person-to-person relationships have changed since the early s. Especially today, market managers at Alitalia, Air France, and KLM enjoy access to databases located at their company headquarters in Europe. The Brazil—Middle East segment thus totaled from 1. Viewing the paltry number, I asked a manager why airline compa- nies were interested in a segment with such a small percentage of the total market.

Transna- tional business imperatives strategized in Paris thus linked into the ethnic politics of the national travel industry in neoliberal Brazil. In Arab community maga- zines, the ten cities in large white script included Beirut, Amman, Cairo, and Damascus.

Only Tel Aviv and Paris were listed in Jewish mag- azines. The Air France campaign coincided with other small-scale advertising strategies. More aesthetically modest, such ads provided the name and address of the agency, as well as special packages or ticket prices not only for the Middle East, but also for Brazil and other des- tinations abroad.

The Libantur agency, for instance, took out a full-page ad in early issues of Chams magazine. Bringing together three dozen youth or adults of Middle Eastern descent, the tourist program has become a familiar, if intermittently offered, leisure opportunity for Brazilians during winter vacation months.

Lebanon-based tourism enterprises have implemented similar programs. Jacques, an employee of a major travel agency in Beirut, explained that if Lebanese descendants know the name of the village of their emigrant parents, grandparents, or great-grandparents, his agency can prepare an excursion to that same locale. There are big com- munities spread throughout the world. Madame Boushra continued: I told the Minister [of Tourism] that we need to make a campaign for Lebanese descendants in Brazil and Argentina.

And so their children and grandchildren have these beautiful images, this myth of Lebanon in their heads. And when they come here, they will see the Lebanon that they have always heard about. State and business authorities are eager to tap into the emigrant desire to know ancestral villages. They have good reason to do so. In the late s, Lebanese state and business groups joined forces to make this idea into reality. Investors interested in emigrant Lebanese tourist pro- grams were brought together by an executive at the Emigrado Co.

Emigrant Co. In develop- ing relationships with fellow students in Lebanon, reflected the executive, descendants would feel more compelled to return: The idea was to bring them over to meet people, not just for tourism. We were arranging for them [emigrant youth] to meet three hundred Lebanese university students.

This is the way that people become attached to a country: not to stones and ruins, but to people. Brazil was one of the primary countries targeted. In addition, Emigrado Co. An Agaxtour representative was invited on an all-expense-paid trip to experience what the program would be like in Lebanon, according to Amir. As this campaign took shape in early , however, Israeli planes bombed an electric generator near Beirut allegedly in retaliation for Hezbollah attacks in northern Israel.

Within days, Amir recalled, the Agaxtour representative can- celed her free trip. Israel bombs Lebanon, and bad publicity is generated in Western media, especially American. As we shall see, though, the sites of past Israeli attacks themselves have been transformed into tourist exhibitions. As part of the tour, visitors were also taken into a small house wherein stood a small replica of the hundreds of houses and streets of the town before Israel leveled them.

It shows how the war was, that war that they had. I even have a book [about it] that I brought from there. I have the book from there. This was tourism: a tourism of turbulence. Tourists also have been taken to the southern Lebanese village of Qana. The memorial was also one of the sites visited by the emigrant youth camp.

Our tour buses ground to a halt. Like other parts of the United Nations station, it had been left intact as a testament to Israeli vio- lence. Two dark-green tanks were parked next to it. As sixty members of the Brazilian delegation in the emigrant youth camp made their way off the buses, several boys climbed onto the tanks and asked friends to take pictures. Losing patience with the youngsters, one tour guide screamed for everyone to show respect.

Everyone was made somber by the soliloquy. The youth began to walk up and down the aisles between the tombs. We were soon escorted into other spaces of the memorial still undergoing construction. Inside an adjacent room were two walls full of photographs taken in the aftermath of the bombing raid. Images of strewn body parts and women grasping the spilled entrails of their children shocked us into silence.

We gazed at it. Like other tour groups that visited the destroyed United Nations compound, however, our entourage was quickly escorted back onto buses and taken to the next tourist site: nearby Christian rock carvings that may suggest that present-day Qana is the biblical Cana. The emigrant youth camp, including sixty members of the Brazilian del- egation, visited another tourist site of turbulence, al-Khiam prison near the border with Israel.

Today run by the Hezbollah political party, the prison-turned-museum receives busloads of tourists eager to consume the misdeeds of Israel in southern Lebanon. This tourist glee, however, soon turned into silence as bearded men, former prisoners, spoke about their experience in the camp.

On the right side was a Star of David with visible breaks. The explicative sign in Arabic might have been lost on emigrant youth who only spoke Portuguese, English, and Spanish, but its visual message was clear: the Lebanese resisted and broke free from Zionism.

We stood in both awe and ambivalence. In the emigrant youth camp, both director and employee concurred, Our objective is not only a tourist one. It is to introduce the youth to their nation, and so the camp has a national dimension. Lebanon has suffered a lot with Israel. It has been attacked. Its citizens have been killed. Since Lebanon has suffered a lot from Israel, we of course would include these national symbols.

There is a lot to be learned visiting Khiam and Qana, national symbols. But this tourism of turbulence has also been experienced by Arab Brazil- ian travelers in the day-to-day run of things, especially with omnipresent mil- itary checkpoints.

During her stay, she was forced to pass through the checkpoints of varied military forces. And you would drive a bit more. There was another [checkpoint]. And so you had to stop there again, show your passport and the like. It frightened you a bit. But neither relatives nor taxi driv- ers could take her to visit her in-laws. There were too many checkpoints from too many warring armies, including Syrian, Lebanese, and Israeli forces. Touring the homeland has involved expe- riencing its past turbulence.

While some criticized the overt political agenda of Arab state and tourist entities, others expressed solidarity with them. Neither for Arabs nor for Jews. But for me, I thought it was a tour, a cool tour. Everyone liked it.

We saw new things, different customs, interesting foods. You know, we get indignant, but the trip was a cool tour in a land linked to my grandparents. After leaving the site of the destroyed United Nations complex in Qana, for instance, members of the Brazilian del- egation on the bus entered into a discussion of their own relations with Jews. Although an anti-Zionist, and anti-Semitic, sentiment momentarily surfaced, it faded soon enough as the delegation arrived at the site where Jesus allegedly turned water into wine near Qana.

Sandro, a second-generation high- school student, noted that the tours in al-Khiam and Qana in southern Lebanon were his favorite part of the camp. I am not afraid of countries that are judged to be superior to us. Now I know who I am. I am Lebanese, and Lebanese do not bow to anyone. I am not inferior to anyone. But many others took issue with the al-Khiam and Qana tours. But in Brazil, our cul- ture does not permit this kind of racism due to our miscegenation.

Nationalist precepts thus potentially counter the logics of exclusion that derive from them. She explained: On the trip, I came to know the city where my great-grandfather … was born and lived. It was a little sad because the city was completely destroyed by the war.

I have another past in another country. I would really like to meet my rel- atives who still live there. Notwithstanding her criticisms of its anti-Zionist agenda, the state-sponsored tourist program had an impact on the way that Isabella thought of herself: as not only Brazilian but also Lebanese. Planning to build a genealogical tree link- ing together these two branches of her background, Isabella articulated a Lebanese identity particular to Brazil. It was also put into prac- tice.

This can be illustrated in the case of Carlos, the third-generation Lebanese Brazilian boy mentioned earlier who was reunited with his great-uncle in the southern Lebanese village of Marjeyoun. Relatives second- and third-generation Lebanese and Italians and a few locals made up the audience of fewer than twenty people. Carlos made a presentation of more than two hours about Lebanon and the emigrant youth camp that had taken him there. They were whipped with the insides of tires. They were given only bread and water to eat.

The map was folded. He was a sixteen-year-old boy who had spoken eloquently about the country whence stemmed his paternal grandfather, and his family was proud of him. But Arab Brazilians have put to use travel practices in their own particular ways as well. Arab Brazilian tourists articulated mul- tiple views regarding the homeland, the tourist sites through which they had come to know it, and the relations between Arabs and Jews in Brazil.

Amid the increasing polarization between Arabs and Jews in the Middle East, their voices resound that there are culturally creative, and alternative, ways to defy these turbulent times. In such contexts, their alleged innate ability to wheel and deal, purported proclivity toward endogamy, traditions of cuisine and dance, and desires to tour Arab homelands have won increased visibility.

Theoretically, this book has aimed to push the study of ethnicity beyond present-day parameters. Since the s, scholarship has made path-breaking inquires into the peripheral construction of ethnic difference from the colo- nial past through the national present Friedlander ; Munasinghe ; Stutzman ; Warren []; Williams Seeking to use and move beyond this historical framework, I have asked how the hierarchical relations between ethnicity and the nation have shifted and reorganized during the neoliberal moment of the world system.

Once solely rejected or coerced, ethnic subjects and substances have now become acknowledged as export partners, ethically accountable leaders, and market-niche consumers in the neoliberal nation. In this light, ethnicity has not been elevated beyond nationalist struggle. Rather, it has become privileged in unprecedented ways. Ultimately, my focus on this Arab formation in nationalist agendas and political-economic pro- grams on the Brazilian periphery of the world system has sought to de-center or disrupt established ways of studying Arabness, exploring another arabesque that now circulates in the Americas.

The experiences of Dr. Nasser Rajab, a second-generation Arab Brazilian lawyer, illustrate expected and surprising outcomes between Arab ethnicity and the Brazilian nation in this still uncertain global order. On a sunny April afternoon in , Dr. On his antique desk was an old IBM desktop computer as well as a shiny new laptop.

It comes in handy when Dr. Indeed, it took me several months to schedule a meeting with him between his frequent trips to the Brazilian and Argentine federal capitals. Rajab immediately addressed his appearance in the mainstream conservative newspaper O Estado de S.

Paulo in December Although it is known as Abin, Dr. Rajab felt that it was his duty to look into the case and requested a copy of the documents in question. As the O Estado de S. It is, rather, limited to some individuals within the intelligence agency itself.

Nasser has thus sought to take only Abin to court. Nasser spoke at length about news reportage on the surveillance of so- called Islamic ethnic groups. But he stressed that his court case against Abin is not just about the rights of Muslims to practice their religion without discrimination, but also about their right to gainful employment. The court case against Abin was thus not just about religion or racism.

It was also about defending Muslim Arab market mobility. That Dr. As I mentioned in Chapter 3, the market has become a gauge to measure, defend, or contest race and ethnic relations in the nation. Rajab explained that many friends and colleagues had remarked that it might draw undue media scrutiny or estrange potential clients.

Much to his own surprise, however, Dr. Rajab noted that since the publication of the O Estado de S. Paulo article, he had received many letters and phone calls of solidarity from people throughout Brazil. In an alleged racial democracy, his denouncement of racism has drawn wide pub- lic support and encouragement.

One such phone call was made by the U. Rajab explained that this vice-consul, who goes by the name Mal- colm, expressed interest in meeting him and visiting his mosque. Initially, Dr. Rajab feared that this was a pretense for CIA surveillance. To his surprise, how- ever, the vice-consul was personable, and, as Dr. Rajab and the vice-consul have even been featured in the Arab community magazines Chams and al-Urubat.

In one issue, they were photographed sitting together at a table during an informal luncheon after Friday prayer. This is not to demean Dr. Rather, it is to contextualize Arabness in the Brazilian dimension of an uncertain global order. These sorts of representations generally have been understood by middle- and upper-class Brazilians of various origins as external effects of U.

American power by middle- and upper-class Brazilians. Out- side of Dr. In the next few months of , the rumor ballooned in U. American and Brazilian media. American media. This suggests that the U. American government is remade into a poster boy for the Brazilian tourist industry. For now, the globalizing U. American-led structures of security and surveillance have been encom- passed by the Brazilian culture of neoliberalism. Predictably, the U. Although Jho Low encouraged that confusion , those who know the situation in Kuwait say the boy had little family money and he was just part of a trusted network of friends whom Jho Low used to front his operations.

At first Hamad Al Wazzan was an outsider. Kiwan now believes the project was largely a facade to disguise the cash. However, the early arrangement collapsed following demands by Jho Low to involve the main Al Waseet group directly in the vast money laundering transactions. Not only did he need to replace me as a business partner but he needed to destroy me.

I did not understand this at the time as I thought I could remove myself from this operation without such consequences. Kiwan has told Sarawak Report. Shortly after the rupture he says he became the target of state backed persecution mounted by the Al Sabah family, which he believes was orchestrated as a revenge by Jho Low.

He and fellow directors were prosecuted on numerous trumped up charges relating to alleged offences against Sheikh Sabah resulting in prison sentences totalling 32 years. Free but still fighting and preparing to bring criminal complaints against Najib and Jho Low in Malaysia. Following torture and solitary confinement Bachar Kiwan succeeded in escaping Kuwait and has resisted Red Notice attempts to extradite him back from Europe on the grounds of political persecution.

However, three fellow directors remain in jail. It was at this point that records show that operations switched to separate companies controlled by Al Sabah, although they were still managed through accounts at the same ICBC Bank branch newly opened in Kuwait.

Bachar Kiwan believes that it was at this point that Jho Low installed his trusted Kuwaiti confidant Hamad Ali Al Wazzan to act as his business proxy to manage these money laundering operations through the new companies owned by Sheikh Sabah. According to the documentation, which the Kuwait money laundering authority passed only to the Kuwait Ministry of the Interior owing to the political sensitivity of the matter, two further companies owned by Sheikh Sabah were involved in suspicious transactions involving Malaysia.

One of these companies identified was Al Asbah International General Trading, incorporated in Kuwait 20th June with Sheikh Sabah as the only shareholder and a capital of a thousand dinars. This is not consistent with the capital of the company which is 1, KD. The reason given to the bank was for buying shares.

At the time the Malaysian prime minister was desperately trying to meet debt repayments due by the fund from which billions had already been looted. The details from Kuwait appear to provide damning evidence confirming the suspicions about massive Chinese kickbacks for inflated projects.

The amount is not consistent with the capital of 1, KD and there is no proof of any commercial activities for such amounts. For example:. This contract was between El M was for the purpose of selling the goods.

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Please use quotation marks for searching phrases e. Your products All Products. Browse by : Author Author Serial Subject. Enter author surname:. Display : 25 50 Previous record Next record. Actions Tools Choose a colour. From excellent senior lawyers Marcelo Mansur , to energetic young partners Thomaz Kastrup and young talent Roberto Panucci , they are effective in advising clients on insurance transactions. They combine expertise with dedication and market knowledge. As well as high-profile contentious matters, the firm has a strong focus on litigation prevention strategies and negotiations with the labour unions.

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